Tuesday, February 18, 2020

Dissident Threats, New IRA, Sinn Fein, Gerry Kelly

New IRA Threats

New IRA ‘Threats’, are they Real or simply more twisted logic from the backroom boys in Sinn Fein/PIRA who are working with their MI6 Handlers and trying to leverage their way into Government in The Irish Republic?

Sinn Fein/PIRA’s Gerry Kelly has publicly stated that the PSNI have warned him that The New IRA is going to attack members of Sinn Fein/PIRA. Gerry Kelly MLA, the PIRA Old Bailey bomber turned Stormont Minister, being the man who confirmed that he received a “royal prerogative of mercy”, from Queen Elizabeth at a time in the 1980s when PIRA volunteers and their families were being butchered in their dozens in County Tyrone.

Sinn Fein's Gerry Kelly has hit out at a "stupid" New IRA threat to car bomb a party member, saying they "have families too" who are being put in danger.

Is there a real threat to Sinn Fein/PIRA from The New IRA?

The simple answer is no, there is no threat against Sinn Fein/PIRA members from The New IRA or any other organisation. The key reason that there is no threat is because The PIRA Army Council remain armed to the teeth thanks to their MI6 Handlers who ensured that decommissioning did not include ‘Defensive’ weapons, and as Spike and the lads will tell you, Sinn Fein/PIRA were allowed by their MI6 Handlers to bring in clean weapons even after the signing of The GFA. If any attack does emerge it will simply be street theatre directed by Sinn Fein/PIRA people who think they are smarter than everyone else.

What is a ‘Dissident’ Republican?

A ‘Dissident’ Republican is a person who is opposed to the surrender of militant Irish Republicanism by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership.

Is there any relationship between Sinn Fein/PIRA and ‘Dissident’ Republicans?

Yes, there is a relationship between Sinn Fein/PIRA and ‘Dissident’ Republicans, for example, following the PIRA Army Convention in 1997, the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership took no action against Michael McKevitt and others who were raiding PIRA arms dumps in order to form the Real IRA. 

The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership believed that, “The odd bomb going off here and there would keep Unionists focused on working with the Doves” (Kevin McKenna, 1997). This tactic back-fired with the Omagh Bomb, and only then did Sinn Fein/PIRA direct Michael McKevitt and others to desist from taking their weapons and explosives, however, at that point the dumps were empty.

Before Gerry Adams ran for election in County Louth there were many meetings between leading Sinn Fein/PIRA members and the Real IRA leadership, to ensure that Gerry Adams would get safe passage in Louth.

There is a constant cross-fertilisation between Sinn Fein/PIRA and their ‘Dissident’ cousins in many parts of the country, it is not universal, but extensive.

Could the Sinn Fein/PIRA sell-out of Militant Republicanism to their MI6 Handlers have been foreseen?

Yes. In February 1994, an Irish Republican published articles in The Irish News and The Irish Press in which he stated, “So I would ask you Irish men and women within the ranks of The PIRA to check the motivation of your leadership before checking the timer on your bomb” (Vincent McKenna, 1994).

Following these articles in The Irish Press and Irish News The PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, gave an interview to Eamon Mallie from Downtown Radio, in which McKenna said, “As long as the boys with the balaclavas are at the table I am happy”. McKenna had already been warned by Vincent McKenna that Martin McGuinness was an MI6 Agent, not a James Bond type agent, but simply a puppet-on-a-string.

Nobody wanted to listen, yet the writing was on the wall, the full scale of The Sinn Fein/PIRA treachery is now fully laid bare, Comfort Letters were to be given to the ‘chosen ones’ some of whom were on the run for sex crimes and not PIRA activity, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy was given assurances that his self-profiteering operations would go untouched by the British security services, the list is endless.

The final insult would come on St Patrick’s Day 2002, when a PIRA Unit broke into Castlereagh holding centre in Belfast, believing that they may be able to identify a senior informant within the Belfast Command Staff, they found more than they bargained for, the intelligence discovered showed that the northern delegation attending the PIRA Army Convention in 1997 in Donegal had more British Agents and Informers than it did actual PIRA members.

The PIRA Army Convention in Donegal was a piece of theatre were The British effectively surrendered to themselves. Does this mean that the British wanted The PIRA Army Council to end its campaign violence? Absolutely not, MI6 were happy to keep their Agents in place and went along with the idea of allowing ‘Dissidents’ to bomb by proxy until Sinn Fein/PIRA got their demands, on the ground people such as Freddie, Eddie, Sean and so forth would be allowed to continue to impose their will on the nationalist community, in effect, doing a better job than The Black and Tans.

Many of the Sinn Fein/PIRA sex criminals were already known in the 1990s and as we know these sex criminals were not only protected by The Sinn Fein/PIRA Command Staff in Belfast and other parts of the country, but were actually afforded full style PIRA funerals (Ruby Davidson, Gerry Adams Snr etc), Republicans of whatever brand must face up to the reality of what Sinn Fein/PIRA were and remain.

Dissident Threats, New IRA, Sinn Fein, Gerry Kelly

Saturday, February 15, 2020

Sinn Fein, PIRA, Chief Constable PSNI


PSNI Chief Constable Simon Byrne under fire after deflecting questions on Provisional IRA status

For those who wish to remember, in 1999, the British Secretary of State for the north, Mo Mowlam, stated that the kidnapping, torture and murder of 22 year old Catholic Charles Bennett by Sinn Fein/PIRA was not a breach of the Sinn Fein/PIRA cease-fire agreed with their MI6 Handlers, but the murder of Catholics by Sinn Fein/PIRA was viewed by the British as “Internal House-keeping”, in this assessment Mowlam also included the 5,000 women and children who were known at that time to have been raped by Senior members of Sinn Fein/PIRA and those rapists protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership and their Handlers.

Initially, in 1999, Mowlam had stated that neither she nor the NIO could say who murdered Charles Bennett, and that such a determination was a matter for The Chief Constable of the RUC. When Sir Ronnie Flanagan responded to Mowlam’s assertions on UTV and stated unequivocally that The PIRA had murdered Charles Bennett, Mowlam openly declared the collusion that existed/exists between Sinn Fein/PIRA and the British establishment, an establishment that has a share-holding on the PIRA Army Council.

What then has changed since 1999, are Sinn Fein/PIRA still agents of the British State?

PSNI Chief Constable Simon Byrne has come under fire after declining to answer questions from the Stormont Justice Committee about the status of the Provisional IRA.

Quizzed on the matter yesterday 14th February 2020, Mr Byrne directed questions around an assessment of the Provisional IRA to the secretary of state and the Northern Ireland Office (NIO).
Mr Byrne replied: “The status of the Provisional IRA is not for me to comment on.”
The Northern Ireland Office has been asked to comment.

Mr Byrne’s comments have drawn attention in light of a statement from the PSNI to the Belfast News Letter in November 2019 which affirmed the continuing role of the Provisional IRA.

Four months ago the PSNI told the Belfast Newsletter there had been “no change” since the 2015 government assessment; Prompted by the murder of Kevin McGuigan, the 2015 report said that the PIRA Army Council was still overseeing both Sinn Fein and the remaining structures of the Sinn Fein/PIRA organisation with an “over-arching strategy”.

“With regards to PIRA, there has been no change since the Paramilitary Assessment in 2015,” the PSNI told the Belfast News Letter in November 2019.

The government report, published in 2015 and based in part on PSNI assessments, concluded that the second largest political party in both the north and – now the Freestate also – continues to be overseen by the PIRA Army Council, which although much reduced in scale and “committed to the peace process”, still has “specific” departments and “regional command structures”, gathers intelligence, retains weapons and has been involved in “isolated incidents of violence, including murders”.

Jim Gamble, former head of PSNI Special Branch in Belfast, said Mr Byrne had “got caught between a rock and a hard place”.

“He has come into the role and is doing the best he can. But unlike [previous Chief Constable] George Hamilton, who had grown up with the RUC and PSNI and who had a deep understanding of the nuances here, Simon is only beginning to go through that particular learning curve.

“There is absolutely no doubt that the volume on IRA historic and contemporary links to politics has been turned right down, because they are not the same as other terrorist organisations; None can compete with the fact that Sinn Fein is inextricably linked to the IRA, and given the Good Friday Agreement and the work towards peace, then of course no other organisations would have the influence over the direction of policy within a political organisation that the IRA Army Council has [with Sinn Fein].”

TUV leader Jim Allister took issue with the Chief Constable’s reaction to questions yesterday.
“The Chief Constable’s comments to the Justice Committee about the status of the PIRA being a matter for the Secretary of State reminds Northern Ireland that there are double standards when it comes to criminality and terrorism in Northern Ireland,” he said. “Let’s not forget that the PIRA remain the deadliest murder group in Western Europe - something to which the graveyards of our Province bare chilling testimony”.

Ken Funston, SEFF’s Advocacy Services Manager said it was “precisely the Chief Constable’s role” to respond to MLAs’ questions.

“He is a civil servant who must be accountable to those who are in positions of governance in this land,” he said. “He deliberately avoided the question rather than having to give an answer that others might have an issue with. If he had been asked a similar question on the status of republican dissidents or loyalists, there is little doubt that he would have answered the question. His failure to do suggests that he is allowing politics to interfere in the discharge of his role responsibilities”.

Asked to address the apparent discrepancy between the November statement and the Chief Constable’s comments yesterday, the PSNI gave a short comment and a link to the 2015 report.
“The assessment commissioned in 2015 by the then Secretary of State on Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland has not changed,” a PSNI spokeswoman said.

In November the editor of a leading NI blog said that it was “extraordinary” how little attention was given to the PSNI revelation that the IRA Army Council still oversees Sinn Fein strategy.

Slugger O’Toole Editor Mick Fealty told the Belfast News Letter: “We have accommodated ourselves to profoundly undemocratic norms. And one of the ways this shows itself is a general unwillingness to subject certain groups to the norms of accountability... And the idea that some people can be excused from that accountability on the basis that it is too political to subject them to accountability is a perfect example of that departure from democratic norms.”

Last week the Belfast News Letter reported that Provisional IRA members were linked to 26 murders since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, recent examples being, Paul Quinn murdered by Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan in 2007 and Kevin McGuigan murdered in Belfast on the direct orders of The PIRA Army Council which is now exclusively made up of Sinn Fein/PIRA members based in the north only.

Although it is not possible to give exact figures, an examination by the Irish Independent in 2005 carried a detailed profile of 39 individual murders it said had been committed by members of the IRA from its 1994 ceasefire up until 2005. If accurate this would now equate to 26 murders since the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in 1998.

A common theme, the Irish Independent found, was of individuals who had challenged IRA members in their own communities and paid a fatal price, some such challenges involved young men who had been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members when they were children. In 2018 academic and NI Policing Board member Paul Nolan found that 38 Catholic civilians had been killed by non-specified republican organisations since the GFA - a figure of similar proportions to the Independent’s. 

However, dogs on the street know well that Sinn Fein/PIRA continue to murder, mutilate and rape at will, Sinn Fein/PIRA continue to ghost their rapists into the Freestate without notification to An Garda Siochana or Tusla.

Overall, Mr Nolan said republicans had taken 74 lives since the GFA.

Wednesday, January 29, 2020

Continuity IRA, MI5, Newry, Dissident Republicans


Continuity IRA, MI5, Newry

Seven men pleaded guilty to charges arising out of a covert MI5 bugging operation against the Continuity IRA in Newry over five years ago.

The men had been due to go on trial next Monday over the undercover eavesdropping operation on a bungalow at Ardcarn Park in the city in 2014 where CIRA meetings had been held. Liam Hannaway, below:



At Belfast Crown Court on Wednesday, the seven defendants were re-arraigned before Mr Justice Colton.

Patrick Joseph ‘Mooch’ Blair (64), of Lissara Heights, Warrenpoint, Co Down, Liam Hannaway (50) of White Rise, Dunmurry in west Belfast, John Sheehy (35), of Erskine Street, Newry and Colin Patrick Winters (48), of Ardcarn Park, Newry, all pleaded guilty to charges of belonging or professing to belong to a proscribed organisation, providing weapons and explosives training, conspiring to possess explosives, firearms and ammunition with intent to endanger life.

They further admitted conspiracy to possess explosives, firearms and ammunition with intent, along with preparing acts of terrorism.

Blair, Hannaway and Winters also admitted collecting information likely to be of use to terrorists.

Sheehy further pleaded guilty to attending a meeting at Ardcarn Park for the purposes of terrorist training. Winters also admitted to allowing his Ardcarn Park home to be used for the purposes of a terrorist meeting.

Seamus Morgan (64), of Barcroft Park, Newry, Kevin John Paul Heaney (46), of Blackstaff Mews, Springfield Road in West Belfast and Terence Marks (49), of Parkhead Crescent, Newry, all pleaded guilty to belonging or professing to belong to a proscribed organisation.

Marks also admitted to a further charge of receiving training in the making or use of explosives for terrorism.

All of the offences took place on dates between August 11, 2014 and November 11, 2014. Mr Justice Colton said he would release all seven defendants on continuing bail.

In a previous court hearing in 2014 it was stated that police believed Winters’ home at Ardcarn Park was being used to host meetings of the Continuity IRA.

MI5 had gained access to the property and planted secret listening devices in a number of rooms. The court heard that suspects in the property had been recorded discussing potential targets for attack, including specific police officers.

A PSNI detective told the court that the suspects were “leading key figures of a proscribed organisation”.

Thursday, August 15, 2019

Peter Taylor, Documentary, Loughgall

Peter Taylor's documentary 2019

Peter Taylor's documentary, "My Journey..." screened 14th August 2019, which includes unfounded allegations from nameless, faceless sources that information about The Loughgall operation in 1987 came from one of The PIRA members who was killed on the operation is nothing more than an invention of 'The Dark Arts' department of British Securocrats. The only volunteers on the Loughgall operation who had prior knowledge of that operation prior to a day before the operation were Patrick Kelly and Jim Lynagh, the British had 3 weeks prior knowledge of Loughgall as the target, the first indicator came from an RUC Informer in Monaghan Town. The same RUC Informer had told PIRA volunteers in Monaghan the morning following Loughgall that the SAS were lying around all the remote RUC stations in Tyrone/Armagh, only a donkey would have believed such nonsense.

Loughgall Informer

The leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan have serious questions to answer as to why they allowed a fully-fledged RUC Informer back into the ranks of Sinn Fein/PIRA when he had served only a few months in Long Kesh for PIRA membership when he had admitted his role in two high profile murders. Owen Smyth (AKA Eoin Smyth) from Monaghan Town had been told in 1981 by PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh not to travel into the north, after members of The PIRA who had shot pensioner Norman Strong and his son James at Tynan Abbey were found by Gardai hiding in the basement of The Round House Bar in Monaghan Town which was owned by Owen Smyth’s Uncle Robert Loane but which was run and operated by Owen Smyth. When Owen Smyth was arrested by The RUC Smyth began to talk immediately and named every member of Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan and anything else that he could tell the RUC about Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan. Owen Smyth would also tell a 17-year-old Vincent McKenna in Crumlin Road Jail that he had turned informer as he did not want to go to jail for the two killings, Owen Smyth also boasted that he and Jim Lynagh had planned the killings of Norman Strong and his son James. Seamus Shannon would be extradited in 1984 based on information provided to The RUC by Owen Smyth. Why did the Command Staff of The PIRA in Monaghan allow Owen Smyth to return to a position within Sinn Fein/PIRA that gave him access to details of PIRA operations including Loughgall? In 1990 Owen Smyth again turned informer when arrested by Gardai in relation to a Human Bomb attack in Fermanagh, again, Smyth had the charges against him mysteriously dropped and he returned to the Sinn Fein/PIRA fold.


Owen Smyth also has questions to answer in relation to his close association with two sisters from Monaghan Town who were bringing UDR members into Monaghan Town periodically between 1994-1997. These two sisters would be seen drinking with the said UDR members in loyalist pubs in places such as Caledon in County Tyrone. On one occasion the two women and the UDR members were followed from Caledon to Monaghan Town. These UDR members were being brought into Monaghan Town by the two women and the UDR men were using these visits as scouting missions for a UVF death squad who would later target Caoimhghín Ó’Caoláin in a bomb attack. Another UDR man would be found shot dead on the out skirts of Monaghan after the gun he was carrying went of as he was preparing to target a member of The PIRA. All of these questions remain unanswered, and various suggestions have been put forward as to why The PIRA in Monaghan failed to establish the truth in these matters, one theory being that Smyth was being protected by a high-ranking informer on The PIRA Command Staff in Monaghan.

Loughgall is a picture-postcard village on the borders of Tyrone and County Armagh that with its neatly arranged window boxes and hanging baskets you would expect to win the best kept village competition year after year. Tourists come for the antique shops and cosy tea rooms that line its narrow main street. 31 years ago in 1987, other visitors came to Loughgall.

The quiet of a May evening on 8 May 1987 was shattered by the thunder of SAS guns as the Regiment (as it is known) ambushed and wiped out one of the most heavily armed and experienced Active Service Units (ASU) the Provisional IRA had ever assembled. It was known as the ‘A’ Team. Eight bodies in boiler suits, some with balaclavas, lay bloody and dead on the ground and in the back of the van in which they had been travelling. The SAS had been lying in wait and had opened up with a barrage of over 200 rounds blasted from General Purpose Machine guns (GPMGs) and high-powered Heckler and Koch rifles. The SAS outnumbered and outgunned the IRA by three to one. The van was riddled like a sieve and its IRA passengers cut to pieces. It was the biggest loss the IRA had suffered since 1921 when a dozen of its men were wiped out by the notorious ‘Black and Tans’. Loughgall police station, a few hundred yards outside the village and the target of the IRA’s attack, was reduced to a twisted pile of concrete and rubble. The IRA just managed to detonate its 200 lb bomb before the SAS opened up.

A few miles away in the ops room that was the nerve centre of the security forces’ Tasking and Co-Ordinating Group (TCG) from which the ambush had been directed, an SAS Commander, a Senior M15 Officer and two senior RUC Officers (both shot dead 1989, see, Smithwick Tribunal) anxiously gathered to hear the result of one of the most carefully planned M15, RUC and Army operations of the northern conflict. They gathered around an SAS officer who was in radio contact with the SAS commander on the ground, when the news came through, the SAS Officer turned to those gathered (TCG) and declared, “Total Wipe-out”.

To the British, the SAS had given the IRA a taste of its own medicine and to Ulster Unionists clambering for the army to take the gloves off, not before time. There was celebration in the TCG at the unprecedented spectacular and quiet contentment in the Northern Ireland Office. Its Permanent Under-Secretary at the time, Sir Robert Andrew, later said how he felt on hearing the news. ‘My personal reaction was really one of some satisfaction that we had ‘won one’ as it were. I think it demonstrated to the IRA that the other side could play it rough. I hope it sent a message that the British government was resolute and was going to fight them.’

Certainly the IRA had been playing it very rough. Only a fortnight earlier, it had assassinated Northern Ireland’s second most senior judge, Lord Justice Gibson and his wife with a 500 lb bomb as they drove back across the border after a holiday away. The explosives had come from Libya. The judge had been a prime target ever since he had acquitted the police officers who shot dead Gervaise McKerr (whose case was also ruled on at Strasbourg) and two other IRA men during a car chase in 1982. He commended them for bringing the deceased to ‘the final court of justice’. None of them was armed at the time. The then Northern Ireland Secretary, Tom King said, ‘We were conscious we were facing an enhanced threat and we took enhanced measures to meet it.’ The SAS was the cutting edge.

At the time of Loughgall, the IRA was brimful of confidence. It had recently had its bunkers filled almost to bursting with over 130 tons of heavy weaponry and high explosives smuggled into Ireland in four shipments courtesy of Mrs Thatcher’s sworn enemy, Colonel Gaddafi (murdered 2011) of Libya. The depleted ranks of its leadership had also been strengthened by the IRA’s mass break-out from the Maze prison in 1983, many of whose senior gunmen were still on the run. One of them was Patrick McKearney (32).

It was known that IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh, had developed a new Maoist strategy of liberating Green Zones, zones that would be cleared of the British and their collaborators. The IRA began its new strategy in 1985 with a devastating mortar attack on the RUC station in the border town of Newry in which nine police officers died. It followed it up with a bomb and gun attack on Ballygawley police station that left two RUC men dead. In 1986, it launched a bomb attack on another police station, unmanned at the time, in the tiny village of the Birches along the shores of Lough Neagh in County Tyrone. Now a new delivery system had been used, a JCB digger with a 200-lb bomb in the bucket. The digger smashed through the security fence, the bomb exploded and reduced the station to rubble. The attack on Loughgall was designed to be a carbon copy of the attack on the Birches. But this time British and Irish intelligence knew the IRA was coming and was across its plans.

The first indicator about the Loughgall operation came three weeks earlier from an RUC agent based in Monaghan Town, Patrick Kelly had travelled to Monaghan to meet Jim Lynagh, however, as often happened, Lynagh was not about, Patrick Kelly made the fatal mistake of making inquiries about Lynagh with Owen/Eoin Smyth, the Round House Bar, Church Square, Monaghan Town. Barely three weeks before Loughgall, five of the East Tyrone IRA had shot dead Harold Henry (52), a member of the Henry Brothers construction business that carried out repairs on security force bases. Just before midnight, the IRA took Mr Henry from his home, put him up against a wall and shot him dead with two rifles and a shotgun. He left a widow and six children. To the IRA he was a ‘legitimate target’, the first of more than twenty ‘collaborators’ to be ‘executed’ by the IRA for ‘assisting the British war machine.’ One of the weapons believed to have been used in the Henry killing was later retrieved at Loughgall.

On the basis of the information passed to the Garda Siochana (Irish Police) and RUC Special Branch by the IRA informer in Monaghan Town, a major security operation was put into action. Extra SAS Teams were brought into the north, within hours of arriving in the north, the SAS Teams were brought to the firing range beneath the RUC Forensic Lab in Belfast, were they test fired similar weapons to those that would be used by the IRA Team at Loughgall. The SAS Team was briefed by Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan. This test firing would allow the SAS to distinguish between friendly and enemy fire on the night of the Loughgall executions. While the Monaghan Informer had given an indicator that a major operation was about to take place, the actual target was not immediately known, this would take a detailed mapping of a myriad of intelligence sources. The Monaghan Informer would contact his handler a couple of days before Loughgall to say that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland, County Tyrone.

There was other vital intelligence too from M15′s listening devices planted inside the homes of IRA suspects, usually put in place when they were away – or even when the homes of the more prominent ones were being built. As long as the batteries held out, these technical devices – or ‘bugs’ – could be monitored many miles away or their content down-loaded by helicopters flying over the premises where they were hidden. It’s likely too that the location where the explosives were stored for the Loughgall bomb were also under M15 technical surveillance. They were probably also under human ‘eyes-on’ observation by operators of the army’s top-secret undercover unit, 14 Intelligence Company (known colloquially as the ‘Det’) and the RUC’s equivalent covert unit, E4A. ‘E’ is the code for the RUC’s Special Branch.

The security force operation was put in place on Thursday 7 May, the day before the IRA’s planned assault. Three Special Branch officers from the RUC’s specialist anti-terrorist unit volunteered to remain inside the normally sleepy station as decoys to give the appearance of normality whilst the IRA did its ‘recce’. ‘Matt’, a veteran of such covert operations, was one of them. They entered the station with some of the SAS troopers as darkness fell on the Thursday night. They made sandwiches and cracked jokes to lighten the tedium of waiting and perhaps to calm the nerves.

The joint leaders of the ASU was Patrick Kelly (30), an experienced IRA commander whose sister, supported by the other relatives, was a prime mover in bringing the Loughgall cases before the European Court. Kelly had been arrested in 1982 and charged with terrorist offences on the word of a ‘Super-grass’ but was subsequently released as the testimony lacked corroboration. Jim Lynagh was the second Commander and was the man most sought after by the British and Irish security services. Among the younger members of the ASU were four young friends from the village of Cappagh who had joined the IRA after the death of one of their village friend, Martin Hurson, on hunger strike in 1981. One of them, Declan Arthurs (21), was to drive the JCB with a 200 lb bomb in the bucket – just like the Birches.

Throughout the long hours of Friday, the maze of country lanes around Loughgall police station were watched and patrolled by ‘Det’ operators on the look-out for the ‘A Team’. One of them was a young women called ‘Anna’ who was driving around the area with her ‘Det’ partner as part of the surveillance cordon. Suddenly they spotted a blue Toyota Hiace van. At first they thought it was simply stuck behind a slow-moving vehicle but when they realised it was a JCB, they immediately put Ballygawley and the Birches together. ‘You suddenly realize it’s the MO (modus operandi) used by the East Tyrone Brigade,’ she said. ‘It was like a replay. But this time we were on top of it and we knew what was happening. So we passed on the information to the TCG and pulled off.’ The Chief Constable of the time, Sir John Hermon, said the IRA ASU could not have been arrested. He said it was never a realistic option since the IRA would be unlikely to come out with their hands up and police officers lives would therefore be at grave risk.

At 7.15 pm as dusk gathered, the JCB with Declan Arthurs at the wheel and the bomb raised high in the bucket, trundled past the police station with the blue Toyota van in attendance. Both then turned and headed back in the direction whence they had come. Suddenly, the JCB roared into life, headed for the perimeter fence and crashed through it. Almost simultaneously, the van drew up outside, disgorging Patrick Kelly and other members of the ASU who sprayed the station with their assault rifles. The SAS almost certainly opened up the moment Kelly started firing. Everything seemed to happen at once in a deafening crescendo of noise. Inside the station, ‘Matt’ (Special Branch), who was by the front window, was only about ten metres from the JCB when it came to a halt right before his eyes. He turned and ran to the back with one word on his mind. Bomb! ‘I thought of the Birches and Ballygawley and the next minute there was an almighty bang. I was hit in the face, knocked to the ground and buried. I thought “I’m dead”, simple as that!’ Miraculously ‘Matt’ survived although buried in the rubble ‘inhaling dust and darkness.’ The ‘A’ Team did not. ‘Declan was mowed down. He could have been taken prisoner,’ his mother, Amelia Arthurs, said. ‘The SAS never gave them a chance.’ The photographs taken at the scene are gruesome. The van in which the IRA volunteers had travelled was ripped open by part of the shrapnel from the digger bucket when it exploded, this is new information.

‘Matt’ felt no sympathy for the bullet-riddled bodies on the ground outside the station and in the back of the van. ‘They were there to kill us,’ he said. ‘These guys were responsible for lots and lots of deaths in that area and other parts of the province. Dead terrorists are better than dead policemen.’ Forensic tests carried out on the IRA weapons retrieved at the scene were linked to eight killings and thirty-three shootings.

The area around the police station had not been cordoned off since to have done so would have risked making the IRA suspicious and wary of the carefully laid ambush. As a result, two brothers returning home from work, were shot by the SAS. The security personnel who lay on the outer core of the ambush had been ordered to kill everyone within the kill zone.  Perhaps the soldiers thought they were part of the ASU or mistook their white Citroen for an IRA ‘scout’ car, maybe because one of the occupants was wearing a boiler suit. The brothers had been working on a car. The SAS fired forty rounds at the vehicle, killing Anthony Hughes (36) and seriously wounding his brother Oliver who was scarred for life. He said no warning was given. The RUC’s Chief Constable, Sir Jack Herman, described the attack on the two innocent men as ‘an unspeakable tragedy’ and blamed the IRA, not planning and operational shortcomings, for his death.

When ‘Anna’, her ‘Det’ colleagues and the SAS returned to base, there were great celebrations. ‘There was a huge party and it probably went on for 24 hours,’ she said. ‘A lot of beer was drunk. We were jubilant. We thought it was a job well done. It sent shock waves through the terrorist world that we were back on top.’ She said of the dead IRA men. ‘They’re all volunteers and actively engaged against the British army. They’re ‘at war’ as they would describe it. My attitude is that if you live by the sword, you die by the sword. We were just happy at the end of the day to be alive ourselves.’

Some new information is contained in this article, it is certain that the first indicator for the Loughgall operation came from an RUC Special Branch Informer in Monaghan Town. This informer also contacted the RUC to let them know that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland just before the Loughgall operation. Once the security services had their first indicator of a major IRA operation, M15 and the RUC had to simply correlate their myriad of intelligence to match the A Team with their target. At the same time that M15 and the SAS were focused on the East Tyrone IRA, M16 were working closely with Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams and had adopted a hands-off approach to the IRA in Derry and Belfast.

There is no question that the relationship between Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and The British Secret Service lead to the SAS executions at Loughgall, the British wanted to undermine PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, McKenna wanted to take the war to the British and their collaborators and he viewed politics as nothing more than a public relations exercise that could provide cover for the real business of The PIRA, which was to drive the British apparatus out of Ireland. Adams and McGuinness had already sold out, and even at the graveside of Jim Lynagh, Adams would spout his lies when he said, “Anyone who does business with The British, The Freestate establishment or The SDLP are fools for they have all sold out on the Irish people”, Adams said these weasel words while he was already in bed with all of the above.

Sinn Fein/PIRA can get as many illiterates fools as they like to make videos for YouTube stating that Lynagh and Kelly would have supported Sinn Fein/PIRA’s British inspired ‘peace-strategy’, however, anyone one who was on the same intellectual level as Jim Lynagh would know well that Adams, McGuinness and their ‘peace strategy’ is nothing more than a British inspired surrender of Irish Republicanism.


Keywords: Loughgall Martyrs, 32 Anniversary, Jim Lynagh, Patrick Kelly, Declan Authurs, SAS, Ambush, Gerry Adams

Wednesday, May 8, 2019

New IRA, The IRA, Derry IRA, Dissident Republicans

Selective Internment of IRA Members

PSNI chiefs are preparing a fresh directing terrorism case against the leader of the New IRA in Derry.

Thomas Ashe Mellon is the target of a specialist team involving officers from the PSNI's terrorism investigation unit (TIU) and MI5. Their orders are to bring down the 43-year-old dissident who allegedly runs the New IRA in Derry City.

Mellon has been convicted in the past of writing a note that was smuggled into IRA inmates in Maghaberry Prison.

Mellon was jailed for 15 months for having an article of use to terrorists and put on a 10-year MI5 watch-list, which is normally only reserved for senior IRA members.

After getting out of prison in 2015, he allegedly assumed control of the IRA in Derry and was a key figure in establishing the headquarters of its political wing Saoradh on Chamberlain Street in the city, from which it is now being evicted.

However, Mellon's reign could soon be at an end with the establishment of a specialist police unit with orders to charge him with directing terrorism.

Officers from the TIU are working with their counterparts in MI5 and the military's Special Reconnaissance Regiment in targeting the IRA member.

Conversations are understood to have been recorded and IRA meetings monitored, with unconfirmed reports that Saoradh's Junior McDaid house has also been bugged.

Security chiefs used a similar strategy to charge prominent republicans Colin Duffy, Alex McCrory and Harry Fitzsimmons with directing the IRA's campaign.

The trio are currently on trial before a non-jury court denying the charge.

"Mellon was high on the terrorism investigation unit's radar, but he became a priority target after the accidental killing of Lyra McKee.

"There were already covert operations in place against the IRA and these have intensified.
"Cases like this take time. They involve many hours of monitoring and recording, often with little end result, but pieced together they do create enough evidence for arrests."

Security sources say lessons have been learned since the last time Mellon was charged with directing terrorism and found not guilty by a judge.

"Admittedly the evidence against him then was weak," added the insider.

"It was more a case of hitting him with a holding charge and getting him off the streets so he couldn't cause any trouble.

"The test for prosecution this time round will be much stricter, it will take a lot more than his handwriting on a scrap of paper."

Mellon - a taxi driver by day with an address on Rathmore Road - is extremely security conscious, having served a previous prison sentence.

The New IRA riot in the Creggan area last month, which was put on for cameras filming there and led to the killing of Lyra McKee, took place on the orders of the IRA in Derry.

Mellon did allegedly sanction shots being fired at police, with one of the bullets hitting Ms McKee who was standing beside a PSNI vehicle on Fanad Drive as a spectator. Mellon is also aware that republican groups in Derry have been heavily infiltrated by informants, with several members of the IRA jailed following police intelligence-led operations.

Because of this, he keeps a tight circle of friends, with his closest confidants being veteran dissident Fergal Melaugh, who is in his 60s, and Kieran McCool (51), named in court as being a "key member" of the IRA.

Both men stood with Mellon outside Junior McDaid House when Ms McKee's friends protested by putting red handprints on its wall.

Also standing with arms folded outside the building was tattooed dissident Gary Hayden.
The 46-year-old was among 11 New IRA supporters, including Mellon, convicted last week of taking part in an illegal Easter 2018 parade through the Creggan.

They were videoed by police wearing berets, sunglasses and combat fatigues with scarves covering their mouths while marching in the estate.

The demonstration led to trouble, with teenage rioters hurling petrol bombs at PSNI vehicles.

Mellon and Hayden were fined £750 each, as was Saoradh spokesman Joe Barr (30) and convicted IRA bomber Jason Ceulemans (47), who was caught in 2012 with a rocket launcher in a car.

Ceulemans was jailed for five years for possessing explosives, and having been released in 2017, is on licence until 2022.

He remains a free man despite being convicted last week of taking part in an illegal parade in support of the IRA.

Also convicted of taking part in the march was William Martin McDonnell (32), who was caught by prison staff smuggling alleged IRA leader Thomas Mellon's handwritten terror note into IRA inmates at Maghaberry jail.

He was sentenced to one year.

Ex-Provo Christy O'Kane (45) was also fined £750 for his role in the Creggan IRA display.

In 2008, he was sentenced to 10 years after walking into a PSNI station and confessing to involvement in five IRA shootings and bombings that took place between 1993 and 1994.

Because the offences took place before the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, O'Kane had to serve two years behind bars.

Friday, April 19, 2019

Loughgall Martyrs 32 Anniversary


Loughgall Informer

The leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan have serious questions to answer as to why they allowed a fully-fledged RUC Informer back into the ranks of Sinn Fein/PIRA when he had served only a few months in Long Kesh for PIRA membership when he had admitted his role in two high profile murders. Owen Smyth (AKA Eoin Smyth) from Monaghan Town had been told in 1981 by PIRA Commander Jim Lynagh not to travel into the north, after members of The PIRA who had shot pensioner Norman Strong and his son James at Tynan Abbey were found by Gardai hiding in the basement of The Round House Bar in Monaghan Town which was owned by Owen Smyth’s Uncle Robert Loane but which was run and operated by Owen Smyth. When Owen Smyth was arrested by The RUC Smyth began to talk immediately and named every member of Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan and anything else that he could tell the RUC about Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan. Owen Smyth would also tell a 17-year-old Vincent McKenna in Crumlin Road Jail that he had turned informer as he did not want to go to jail for the two killings, Owen Smyth also boasted that he and Jim Lynagh had planned the killings of Norman Strong and his son James. Seamus Shannon would be extradited in 1984 based on information provided to The RUC by Owen Smyth. Why did the Command Staff of The PIRA in Monaghan allow Owen Smyth to return to a position within Sinn Fein/PIRA that gave him access to details of PIRA operations including Loughgall? In 1990 Owen Smyth again turned informer when arrested by Gardai in relation to a Human Bomb attack in Fermanagh, again, Smyth had the charges against him mysteriously dropped and he returned to the Sinn Fein/PIRA fold.


Owen Smyth also has questions to answer in relation to his close association with two sisters from Monaghan Town who were bringing UDR members into Monaghan Town periodically between 1994-1997. These two sisters would be seen drinking with the said UDR members in loyalist pubs in places such as Caledon in County Tyrone. On one occasion the two women and the UDR members were followed from Caledon to Monaghan Town. These UDR members were being brought into Monaghan Town by the two women and the UDR men were using these visits as scouting missions for a UVF death squad who would later target Caoimhghín Ó’Caoláin in a bomb attack. Another UDR man would be found shot dead on the out skirts of Monaghan after the gun he was carrying went of as he was preparing to target a member of The PIRA. All of these questions remain unanswered, and various suggestions have been put forward as to why The PIRA in Monaghan failed to establish the truth in these matters, one theory being that Smyth was being protected by a high-ranking informer on The PIRA Command Staff in Monaghan.

Loughgall is a picture-postcard village on the borders of Tyrone and County Armagh that with its neatly arranged window boxes and hanging baskets you would expect to win the best kept village competition year after year. Tourists come for the antique shops and cosy tea rooms that line its narrow main street. 31 years ago in 1987, other visitors came to Loughgall.

The quiet of a May evening on 8 May 1987 was shattered by the thunder of SAS guns as the Regiment (as it is known) ambushed and wiped out one of the most heavily armed and experienced Active Service Units (ASU) the Provisional IRA had ever assembled. It was known as the ‘A’ Team. Eight bodies in boiler suits, some with balaclavas, lay bloody and dead on the ground and in the back of the van in which they had been travelling. The SAS had been lying in wait and had opened up with a barrage of over 200 rounds blasted from General Purpose Machine guns (GPMGs) and high-powered Heckler and Koch rifles. The SAS outnumbered and outgunned the IRA by three to one. The van was riddled like a sieve and its IRA passengers cut to pieces. It was the biggest loss the IRA had suffered since 1921 when a dozen of its men were wiped out by the notorious ‘Black and Tans’. Loughgall police station, a few hundred yards outside the village and the target of the IRA’s attack, was reduced to a twisted pile of concrete and rubble. The IRA just managed to detonate its 200 lb bomb before the SAS opened up.

A few miles away in the ops room that was the nerve centre of the security forces’ Tasking and Co-Ordinating Group (TCG) from which the ambush had been directed, an SAS Commander, a Senior M15 Officer and two senior RUC Officers (both shot dead 1989, see, Smithwick Tribunal) anxiously gathered to hear the result of one of the most carefully planned M15, RUC and Army operations of the northern conflict. They gathered around an SAS officer who was in radio contact with the SAS commander on the ground, when the news came through, the SAS Officer turned to those gathered (TCG) and declared, “Total Wipe-out”.

To the British, the SAS had given the IRA a taste of its own medicine and to Ulster Unionists clambering for the army to take the gloves off, not before time. There was celebration in the TCG at the unprecedented spectacular and quiet contentment in the Northern Ireland Office. Its Permanent Under-Secretary at the time, Sir Robert Andrew, later said how he felt on hearing the news. ‘My personal reaction was really one of some satisfaction that we had ‘won one’ as it were. I think it demonstrated to the IRA that the other side could play it rough. I hope it sent a message that the British government was resolute and was going to fight them.’

Certainly the IRA had been playing it very rough. Only a fortnight earlier, it had assassinated Northern Ireland’s second most senior judge, Lord Justice Gibson and his wife with a 500 lb bomb as they drove back across the border after a holiday away. The explosives had come from Libya. The judge had been a prime target ever since he had acquitted the police officers who shot dead Gervaise McKerr (whose case was also ruled on at Strasbourg) and two other IRA men during a car chase in 1982. He commended them for bringing the deceased to ‘the final court of justice’. None of them was armed at the time. The then Northern Ireland Secretary, Tom King said, ‘We were conscious we were facing an enhanced threat and we took enhanced measures to meet it.’ The SAS was the cutting edge.

At the time of Loughgall, the IRA was brimful of confidence. It had recently had its bunkers filled almost to bursting with over 130 tons of heavy weaponry and high explosives smuggled into Ireland in four shipments courtesy of Mrs Thatcher’s sworn enemy, Colonel Gaddafi (murdered 2011) of Libya. The depleted ranks of its leadership had also been strengthened by the IRA’s mass break-out from the Maze prison in 1983, many of whose senior gunmen were still on the run. One of them was Patrick McKearney (32).

It was known that IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh, had developed a new Maoist strategy of liberating Green Zones, zones that would be cleared of the British and their collaborators. The IRA began its new strategy in 1985 with a devastating mortar attack on the RUC station in the border town of Newry in which nine police officers died. It followed it up with a bomb and gun attack on Ballygawley police station that left two RUC men dead. In 1986, it launched a bomb attack on another police station, unmanned at the time, in the tiny village of the Birches along the shores of Lough Neagh in County Tyrone. Now a new delivery system had been used, a JCB digger with a 200-lb bomb in the bucket. The digger smashed through the security fence, the bomb exploded and reduced the station to rubble. The attack on Loughgall was designed to be a carbon copy of the attack on the Birches. But this time British and Irish intelligence knew the IRA was coming and was across its plans.

The first indicator about the Loughgall operation came three weeks earlier from an RUC agent based in Monaghan Town, Patrick Kelly had travelled to Monaghan to meet Jim Lynagh, however, as often happened, Lynagh was not about, Patrick Kelly made the fatal mistake of making inquiries about Lynagh with Owen/Eoin Smyth, the Round House Bar, Church Square, Monaghan Town. Barely three weeks before Loughgall, five of the East Tyrone IRA had shot dead Harold Henry (52), a member of the Henry Brothers construction business that carried out repairs on security force bases. Just before midnight, the IRA took Mr Henry from his home, put him up against a wall and shot him dead with two rifles and a shotgun. He left a widow and six children. To the IRA he was a ‘legitimate target’, the first of more than twenty ‘collaborators’ to be ‘executed’ by the IRA for ‘assisting the British war machine.’ One of the weapons believed to have been used in the Henry killing was later retrieved at Loughgall.

On the basis of the information passed to the Garda Siochana (Irish Police) and RUC Special Branch by the IRA informer in Monaghan Town, a major security operation was put into action. Extra SAS Teams were brought into the north, within hours of arriving in the north, the SAS Teams were brought to the firing range beneath the RUC Forensic Lab in Belfast, were they test fired similar weapons to those that would be used by the IRA Team at Loughgall. The SAS Team was briefed by Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan. This test firing would allow the SAS to distinguish between friendly and enemy fire on the night of the Loughgall executions. While the Monaghan Informer had given an indicator that a major operation was about to take place, the actual target was not immediately known, this would take a detailed mapping of a myriad of intelligence sources. The Monaghan Informer would contact his handler a couple of days before Loughgall to say that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland, County Tyrone.

There was other vital intelligence too from M15′s listening devices planted inside the homes of IRA suspects, usually put in place when they were away – or even when the homes of the more prominent ones were being built. As long as the batteries held out, these technical devices – or ‘bugs’ – could be monitored many miles away or their content down-loaded by helicopters flying over the premises where they were hidden. It’s likely too that the location where the explosives were stored for the Loughgall bomb were also under M15 technical surveillance. They were probably also under human ‘eyes-on’ observation by operators of the army’s top-secret undercover unit, 14 Intelligence Company (known colloquially as the ‘Det’) and the RUC’s equivalent covert unit, E4A. ‘E’ is the code for the RUC’s Special Branch.

The security force operation was put in place on Thursday 7 May, the day before the IRA’s planned assault. Three Special Branch officers from the RUC’s specialist anti-terrorist unit volunteered to remain inside the normally sleepy station as decoys to give the appearance of normality whilst the IRA did its ‘recce’. ‘Matt’, a veteran of such covert operations, was one of them. They entered the station with some of the SAS troopers as darkness fell on the Thursday night. They made sandwiches and cracked jokes to lighten the tedium of waiting and perhaps to calm the nerves.

The joint leaders of the ASU was Patrick Kelly (30), an experienced IRA commander whose sister, supported by the other relatives, was a prime mover in bringing the Loughgall cases before the European Court. Kelly had been arrested in 1982 and charged with terrorist offences on the word of a ‘Super-grass’ but was subsequently released as the testimony lacked corroboration. Jim Lynagh was the second Commander and was the man most sought after by the British and Irish security services. Among the younger members of the ASU were four young friends from the village of Cappagh who had joined the IRA after the death of one of their village friend, Martin Hurson, on hunger strike in 1981. One of them, Declan Arthurs (21), was to drive the JCB with a 200 lb bomb in the bucket – just like the Birches.

Throughout the long hours of Friday, the maze of country lanes around Loughgall police station were watched and patrolled by ‘Det’ operators on the look-out for the ‘A Team’. One of them was a young women called ‘Anna’ who was driving around the area with her ‘Det’ partner as part of the surveillance cordon. Suddenly they spotted a blue Toyota Hiace van. At first they thought it was simply stuck behind a slow-moving vehicle but when they realised it was a JCB, they immediately put Ballygawley and the Birches together. ‘You suddenly realize it’s the MO (modus operandi) used by the East Tyrone Brigade,’ she said. ‘It was like a replay. But this time we were on top of it and we knew what was happening. So we passed on the information to the TCG and pulled off.’ The Chief Constable of the time, Sir John Hermon, said the IRA ASU could not have been arrested. He said it was never a realistic option since the IRA would be unlikely to come out with their hands up and police officers lives would therefore be at grave risk.

At 7.15 pm as dusk gathered, the JCB with Declan Arthurs at the wheel and the bomb raised high in the bucket, trundled past the police station with the blue Toyota van in attendance. Both then turned and headed back in the direction whence they had come. Suddenly, the JCB roared into life, headed for the perimeter fence and crashed through it. Almost simultaneously, the van drew up outside, disgorging Patrick Kelly and other members of the ASU who sprayed the station with their assault rifles. The SAS almost certainly opened up the moment Kelly started firing. Everything seemed to happen at once in a deafening crescendo of noise. Inside the station, ‘Matt’ (Special Branch), who was by the front window, was only about ten metres from the JCB when it came to a halt right before his eyes. He turned and ran to the back with one word on his mind. Bomb! ‘I thought of the Birches and Ballygawley and the next minute there was an almighty bang. I was hit in the face, knocked to the ground and buried. I thought “I’m dead”, simple as that!’ Miraculously ‘Matt’ survived although buried in the rubble ‘inhaling dust and darkness.’ The ‘A’ Team did not. ‘Declan was mowed down. He could have been taken prisoner,’ his mother, Amelia Arthurs, said. ‘The SAS never gave them a chance.’ The photographs taken at the scene are gruesome. The van in which the IRA volunteers had travelled was ripped open by part of the shrapnel from the digger bucket when it exploded, this is new information.

‘Matt’ felt no sympathy for the bullet-riddled bodies on the ground outside the station and in the back of the van. ‘They were there to kill us,’ he said. ‘These guys were responsible for lots and lots of deaths in that area and other parts of the province. Dead terrorists are better than dead policemen.’ Forensic tests carried out on the IRA weapons retrieved at the scene were linked to eight killings and thirty-three shootings.

The area around the police station had not been cordoned off since to have done so would have risked making the IRA suspicious and wary of the carefully laid ambush. As a result, two brothers returning home from work, were shot by the SAS. The security personnel who lay on the outer core of the ambush had been ordered to kill everyone within the kill zone.  Perhaps the soldiers thought they were part of the ASU or mistook their white Citroen for an IRA ‘scout’ car, maybe because one of the occupants was wearing a boiler suit. The brothers had been working on a car. The SAS fired forty rounds at the vehicle, killing Anthony Hughes (36) and seriously wounding his brother Oliver who was scarred for life. He said no warning was given. The RUC’s Chief Constable, Sir Jack Herman, described the attack on the two innocent men as ‘an unspeakable tragedy’ and blamed the IRA, not planning and operational shortcomings, for his death.

When ‘Anna’, her ‘Det’ colleagues and the SAS returned to base, there were great celebrations. ‘There was a huge party and it probably went on for 24 hours,’ she said. ‘A lot of beer was drunk. We were jubilant. We thought it was a job well done. It sent shock waves through the terrorist world that we were back on top.’ She said of the dead IRA men. ‘They’re all volunteers and actively engaged against the British army. They’re ‘at war’ as they would describe it. My attitude is that if you live by the sword, you die by the sword. We were just happy at the end of the day to be alive ourselves.’

Some new information is contained in this article, it is certain that the first indicator for the Loughgall operation came from an RUC Special Branch Informer in Monaghan Town. This informer also contacted the RUC to let them know that Jim Lynagh had moved to a safe house in Coalisland just before the Loughgall operation. Once the security services had their first indicator of a major IRA operation, M15 and the RUC had to simply correlate their myriad of intelligence to match the A Team with their target. At the same time that M15 and the SAS were focused on the East Tyrone IRA, M16 were working closely with Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams and had adopted a hands-off approach to the IRA in Derry and Belfast.

There is no question that the relationship between Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and The British Secret Service lead to the SAS executions at Loughgall, the British wanted to undermine PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, McKenna wanted to take the war to the British and their collaborators and he viewed politics as nothing more than a public relations exercise that could provide cover for the real business of The PIRA, which was to drive the British apparatus out of Ireland. Adams and McGuinness had already sold out, and even at the graveside of Jim Lynagh, Adams would spout his lies when he said, “Anyone who does business with The British, The Freestate establishment or The SDLP are fools for they have all sold out on the Irish people”, Adams said these weasel words while he was already in bed with all of the above.

Sinn Fein/PIRA can get as many illiterates fools as they like to make videos for YouTube stating that Lynagh and Kelly would have supported Sinn Fein/PIRA’s British inspired ‘peace-strategy’, however, anyone one who was on the same intellectual level as Jim Lynagh would know well that Adams, McGuinness and their ‘peace straegy’ is nothing more than a British inspired surrender of Irish Republicanism.

Keywords: Loughgall Martyrs, 32 Anniversary, Jim Lynagh, Patrick Kelly, Declan Authurs, SAS, Ambush, Gerry Adams

Saturday, February 9, 2019

Sean McVeigh New IRA, Conviction

Sean McVeigh New IRA, Conviction

A dissident republican who was convicted yesterday of trying to kill a policeman in 2015 was previously linked to the killing of prison officer David Black.

Sean McVeigh (38), of Victoria Street in Lurgan, was yesterday found guilty of placing a bomb under the car of the officer outside his home in Eglinton in June 2015.

He had denied the attempted murder and possession of the under vehicle improvised explosive device during a non-jury trial at Belfast Crown Court.

In court yesterday Judge Stephen Fowler QC said he was "satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt" that McVeigh was the man who planted the device under the PSNI officer's car.

It has now emerged that in 2014 McVeigh was charged with the murder of Mr Black, who was shot dead on the M1 in November 2012 as he made his way to work at the high security Maghaberry Prison.

The 52-year-old father-of-two was the first prison officer in to be murdered in almost 20 years and the killing was claimed by the New IRA.


As well as murder, McVeigh was also charged with possessing an assault rifle with the intent to endanger life. However, the charges were dropped by the Public Prosecution Service.

After walking free from Craigavon Magistrates Court in July 2014, McVeigh signalled his intention to sue the PPS and PSNI for the time he had spent in custody.

But less than a year later the dissident republican targeted the police officer in Eglinton
The target's wife, also a police officer, told detectives that she was asleep, but woke up and looked out of her bedroom window.

Now retired from the PSNI, she spoke of her "sheer disbelief" at seeing a "skinny man" attaching to her husband's car what turned out to be a new type of improvised under-car explosive device.

She said that she was "so shocked" she rapped so hard on her bedroom window that she bruised her knuckles.

The court heard she immediately rang police and call handlers at Maydown PSNI despatched three response vehicles to the scene.

Officers said they spotted two cars "travelling in convoy" from the Waterside.

The two vehicles were subsequently identified from automatic number plate recognition technology and CCTV cameras as a black Volkswagen Passat and a Toyota Verso, both with Republic of Ireland registrations, both of which had been stolen.

The court also heard evidence from a number of police officers who said they spotted two cars "travelling in convoy" from the Waterside towards the cityside of Derry. As a result, police at PSNI Maydown alerted colleagues in An Garda Siochana based in Letterkenny. The vehicles travelled to Lifford, where the Toyota was abandoned.

The trial heard that as the Passat drove towards Ballybofey, Co Donegal, it was spotted by a specialist Garda armed response unit, who gave chase, stopping the car about a mile outside the village of Killygordon.

Along with the driver and a rear seat passenger, McVeigh was found sitting in the front passenger seat.

In a follow-up search of the route taken by the Passat Garda found three pairs of Tesco Marigold-type gloves, later found to have traces of explosives residue.

In addition, RDX explosive traces were also found on McVeigh's black outer jacket and tracksuit bottoms.

Further traces of RDX were found on swabs taken from the front seat of the VW car, the interior door handles and from the rear seat.

Similar explosive traces were found on the Toyota car, located six days later in the car park where it had been left that night.

Following his arrest under Section 30 of the Republic's Offences Against the State Act, the court heard McVeigh gave his name and date of birth, but refused to answer any Garda questions.

He was subsequently released on bail by Garda detectives. The trial heard that McVeigh was finally arrested over the murder bid in Eglinton by PSNI detectives on a Lurgan-bound train in May 2016.

The judge rejected defence arguments that traces of RDX explosives found on McVeigh's clothing were from an "innocent contamination".

Judge Fowler said he also drew an inference from McVeigh's refusal to give evidence at his trial and said he was satisfied the defendant was a front seat passenger in the car which took him to and from the scene of the planned attack.

He also rejected defence submissions that the device was not capable of detonation and could have been an elaborate hoax.

The trial judge said it was a fully functioning device, containing 322 grammes of Semtex explosives, with RDX being the main component.

Contained inside a black box, measuring 20cms by 15 cms by 20cms, the device was equipped with detonator, battery, circuit board, timer unit, mercury tilt switch, two toggles and a copper cone.

The copper cone was designed so that "on detonation it was deformed by the blast into a 'slug' or rod-shaped projectile".

A subsequent field test on a model of car similar to that driven by the policeman "showed that anyone sitting on the driving seat would have sustained serious and possibly fatal injuries".

Judge Fowler said: "I am satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that this was a viable device.

"I am also satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt that this device was constructed and planted under the car with the intent to kill the driver once the vehicle was moved.

"I find the defendant guilty on both counts."

Judge Fowler remanded the defendant into custody and McVeigh will be sentenced on a date to be fixed.

Susan McKay, Press Ombudsman

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