Friday, May 22, 2020

The Good Friday Agreement 22nd Anniversary


The Good Friday Agreement 22nd Anniversary

Today 22nd May 2020, marks the 22nd Anniversary of The Referendum on The Good Friday Agreement, the signing of The Good Friday Agreement had taken place in April, the document was physically signed by the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mo Mowlam, who would later state that the continued Human Rights Violations including murder and rape against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland by Sinn Fein/PIRA, were being viewed by the British Government as “Internal-House-keeping” and not being viewed as breaches of the ‘cease-fire’, Articles of Surrender agreed between MI6 Officer, Michael Oatley and MI6 Agent, Martin McGuinness.


The second person to physically sign the Good Friday Agreement and on behalf of The Irish Government would be then, Minister for Justice, John O’Donoghue TD who would later be exposed as corrupt and self-serving, and would be forced to resign as Ceann Comhairle (Speaker of the House equivalent), this was the first time a Ceann Comhairle had been forced to resign. O’Donoghue had enjoyed lavished expenses while children were being turned away from Temple Street Children’s Hospital due to lack of resources.


John O’Donoghue’s Party Leader, Berty Ahern would be subject to a corruption investigation by The Mahon Tribunal and found to be a liar. Berty Ahern was in fact corrupt and that corruption did not stop with The Mahon Tribunal, the Northern Ireland ‘peace process’ was used as a distraction by Berty Ahern and others who were engaging in smoke and mirrors.

It is worth remembering that at a time when RUC and Garda Officers were being slaughtered by Sinn Fein/PIRA, Berty Ahern said: 

“These things will continue until there is an acceptable police force”.


I became involved in the ‘peace-process’ in 1992 when I was introduced to John Hume, at this time John Hume was engaged in talks with Gerry Adams, this embryotic stage of the ‘peace process’ was known as The Hume/Adams Initiative. My role was to work quietly with John Hume and develop a blue-print for a peace settlement, I developed a concept known as Consociational Democracy.


From the outset of these talks, both John Hume (SDLP Leader) and Kevin McKenna (PIRA Chief of Staff), had serious concerns about the role Martin McGuinness was playing. John Hume felt that McGuinness could do a dirty-deal with The British that would leave the Catholic community at the dictate of Sinn Fein/PIRA, Kevin McKenna had suspicions from 1986 that McGuinness was a British Agent, but he had no evidence to support his suspicions. Under Orders from Kevin McKenna, I exposed the talks between McGuinness and The British, using the document below, which is a Communication between MI6 Officer Michael Oatley and McGuinness.

The Good Friday Agreement was supposed to be a blue-print that could provide an opportunity for Sinn Fein/PIRA and their Loyalist counter-parts to cease their terrorist campaigns without losing face within their own communities. The Good Friday Agreement did provide this opportunity, however, the dirty-deal between McGuinness and MI6, did and continues to undermine all of the good faith that was put into The Good Friday Agreement.


McGuinness (with or without the knowledge of Adams) agreed a dirty-deal with MI6 that would leave The GFA unworkable and constantly undermine the efforts of those who engaged in the process in good faith. Sinn Fein/PIRA are an organisation without principle, they would sell their soul to the devil for 30 pieces of silver.

McGuinness had engaged in a twin-track approach to The Good Friday Agreement, McGuinness wanted the ‘big’ political settlement for his place in history, but he also wanted Sinn Fein/PIRA to be in a position to impose their will on the Catholic community without fear of interference from The British Government.


McGuinness agreed his Articles of Surrender with his MI6 Handler, Michael Oatley, these articles of surrender ensured that Sinn Fein/PIRA could without restraint continue to engage in Human Rights Violations against the Catholic community including murder and rape. No Irish Government has ever had sight of the Articles of Surrender agreed between MI6 and McGuinness.

The Good Friday Agreement was embraced by many in good faith; however, Sinn Fein/PIRA have never acted in good faith. Some of those involved in the closing stages of The Good Friday Agreement such as Berty Ahern, John O’Donoghue used the process as a distraction, and did not ask for clarity in relation to many issues, they had been clearly warned.

And so it is that we have ended up with a fairly decent political agreement, the Good Friday Agreement, but on the other hand we have a very, very, dirty-deal between McGuinness and MI6 Officer Oatley, until the latter agreement burns in hell with its signatories there will be ongoing bad faith on behalf of Sinn Fein/PIRA, because they have The Good Friday Agreement in one hand and the dirty-deal in the other.


Between 1992 and The PIRA Convention in 1997 I was a runner between Kevin McKenna and Martin McGuinness, here are just two of The Articles of Surrender agreed between Martin McGuinness and MI6 Officer Oatley:


Article 1. The Provisional IRA Army Council: Wednesday 31st August 1994

The Terms and Conditions of this cease-fire exclude in totality the Catholic community of the occupied 6 counties. We retain the right and capacity to suppress all and any opposition to our stated position from within the Catholic community, without political interference from The British Government, including its armed forces.

Article 2. The Provisional IRA Army Council: Wednesday 31st August 1994

The Terms and Conditions of this cease-fire excludes in totality the Irish Freestate, its armed forces including members of An Garda Siochana. We retain the right and capacity to bring about the destruction of the Irish Freestate by whatever means at our disposal, without foreign interference.

Sinn Fein/PIRA were not the only Liars involved in the Good Friday Agreement

British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, offered a false sense of security to those who has suffered at the hands of Sinn Fein/PIRA and Loyalist terrorists for decades when on, Wednesday 20th May 1998, Blair delivered a speech at the Coleraine campus of the University of Ulster in which he unveiled a hand-written set of pledges to the people of Ireland in advance of the Referendum on 22ndMay 1998.

The text of the pledges was as follows:

“I pledge to the people of Northern Ireland:

1.   No change in the status of Northern Ireland without the express consent of the people of Northern Ireland.

2.    Power to take decisions returned to a Northern Ireland Assembly, with accountable North/South co-operation.

3.      Fairness and equality guaranteed for all.

4.      Those who use or threaten violence excluded from the Government of Northern Ireland.

5.      Prisoners kept in unless violence is given up for good”. 

In conclusion

The Good Friday Agreement did offer a political solution, that solution was to be put to a vote of respective parties to it, it was then to be put to the people and if accepted by the people, it was a matter for the parties to it, to get down to the business of politics, ensuring constant political pressure on any party to it, that stepped outside its parameters.

Unfortunately, some parties to the agreement, got too cosy, some turned a blind eye to Human Rights Violations including murder and rape when it suited them, and then the same parties offered crocodile tears as the coffins continued to accumulate. Some fell in with the Sinn Fein/PIRA narrative, that the finger must only be pointed at, ‘The Dissidents’, the same ‘dissidents’ which were armed by Sinn Fein/PIRA, and who continue to work hand-in-hand with Sinn Fein/PIRA.

All is not lost, but with bad faith on behalf of Sinn Fein/PIRA expected to intensify, it is unlikely that people acting in good faith will see the true nature of their opponents until it is too late, by then their children and grand-children will be left in the ditches of a rewritten history.



Sunday, May 17, 2020

Vincent McKenna attacks, threats and attempts to silence the truth

Vincent McKenna attacks, threats and attempts to silence the truth

Up until the end of 1997 Vincent McKenna was a runner between PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna and Martin McGuinness, PIRA Army Council. Vincent McKenna parted company with Sinn Fein/PIRA at the end of 1997, when Vincent McKenna became aware that The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership were arming what would become known as The Real IRA. Vincent McKenna then went to war against Sinn Fein/PIRA for their duplicity.

Vincent McKenna tells Liam Clarke about Sinn Fein/PIRA policy of Ethnic Cleansing

The following is a list of threats and attacks against Vincent McKenna and as listed to The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee by An RUC Deputy Chief Constable, Alan Mc Quillan on the 13th December 2000. 

Vincent McKenna only became aware of this meeting between McQuillan and The NIAC on the 18th Sept 2018 at which point Vincent McKenna responded and his comments are in italics.

Vincent McKenna MSc

The RUC has also become aware of threats to or attacks on Mr McKenna. These included:

1 April 1998—Alleged threat reported in newspaper;

Any threats against Vincent McKenna were either reported to Vincent McKenna by the RUC or they were confirmed by the RUC.

18 July 1998—Allegedly attacked by six men at Ormeau Road, Belfast. During the course of this attack McKenna alleged his life was threatened. As a result of police inquiries, one person was later charged with common assault and threats to kill. He was convicted in respect of the common assault charge only, on 18th July 1998.

Mr McQuillan is very disingenuous here “allegedly attacked” when in fact the attack by a group of Sinn Fein/PIRA men lead by PIRA killer Sean Clinton was caught on CCTV and RUC Officers actually arrived as the attack was taking place. 

One of the men pleaded guilty to assaulting Vincent McKenna and Vincent McKenna was happy for the threat to kill to be taken into consideration as Vincent McKenna told the RUC that he simply wanted to show the community that these bullies could be taken on. The RUC made it clear to Vincent McKenna that they did not want to prosecute anyone from this group, and Vincent McKenna knows why that was.

27 July 1998—Alleged threat reported in newspaper

Again, any threats against Vincent McKenna were either reported to Vincent McKenna by the RUC or they were confirmed by the RUC.

16 November 1998—Crude incendiary device delivered to Mr McKenna at the FAIT office

20 March 1999—Mr McKenna found a trip wire device at his home

Vincent McKenna, was told that this was a viable device that contained explosives

3 September 1999—Mr McKenna received a hoax device in the post

Vincent McKenna, was told that this was a viable device and the army robot fired a shot into it as it sat on Vincent McKenna's kitchen table

5 September 1999—Mr McKenna received two threatening telephone calls to his home, stating "PIRA are going to kill you".

In fact, two RUC officers were in Vincent McKenna's house at the time of these calls being received as The RUC had arrived at Vincent McKenna's house to inform him that he was going to be killed by a loyalist paramilitary group. One of the RUC officers took the second call and recognised the person making the threat as a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA and the call was made from a public call box in a republican club in north Belfast.

Mr McQuillan fails to mention that in September 1999 the night before Vincent McKenna was to speak on behalf of terrorist victims at an RUC Rally in The Ulster Hall - two shots were fired at and penetrated the bullet proof glass at the front of Vincent McKenna's house – Vincent McKenna was in the kitchen area of that room making tea at the time of the shooting and he was in the company of a well-respected business consultant Mr David Hoey.

What Deputy RUC Chief Constable, Mr Alan McQuillan fails to mention here is the fact that Vincent McKenna had at this time been injured when he rescued a Protestant man from his house on Agra Street, Belfast that had been petrol bombed by the UDA the man was actually on fire when Vincent McKenna kicked in the door and dragged him to the street, Vincent McKenna had to go to the City Hospital and receive 16 stitches to the bottom of his foot as he had stood on the up-turned bottom of the broken bottle that had been used as a petrol bomb, Vincent McKenna would receive compensation from The NIO due to the injury inflicted. 

Due to the help Vincent McKenna had given his Protestant neighbour his own house on Agra Street would be subject to an attack by the UDA shortly afterwards, they smashed the window of Vincent McKenna's baby daughter’s bedroom and threw a petrol drenched torch threw that window into her cot. An SDLP councillor Mr Peter O’Reilly would visit Vincent McKenna's house and help get Vincent McKenna rehoused to Haypark Avenue.

In July 2000, Mr McKenna wrote to the Secretary of State, as a representative of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Bureau. He complained of an alleged amnesty for wanted terrorists. NIO referred the correspondence to the RUC, who confirmed that if wanted persons were detected in this jurisdiction, they would be arrested.

History now tells us that Vincent McKenna was in fact telling the truth about on-the-run-terrorists such as Hyde Park bomber John Downey receiving 'comfort' letters and the RUC were telling lies when they said they would arrest all on-the-run-terrorists. 238 Comfort Letters to date, 57 of those for Sinn Fein/PIRA Rapists.
The British Govt, the NIO and Sinn Fein/PIRA denied Comfort Letters

Thursday, May 14, 2020

Shankill Bomb 1993

The Shankill Bomb, October 23rd, 1993

PIRA member, Thomas Begley died and nine others, all Protestant civilians, were murdered when the PIRA bomb he was carrying exploded ‘prematurely’ at Frizzell's fish shop on the 
Shankill Road on October 23rd, 1993.

Begley and a second bomber, Shankill Butcher, Sean Kelly, wearing white coats and posing as delivery drivers, carried the bomb into the shop.

Begley (22) was later buried with full IRA honours in the republican plot in Milltown Cemetery, and his coffin was carried by Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams. Gerry Adams had also given full IRA honours to his Father, Gerry Adams Snr who was a prolific Child Rapist, so Honor means very little within Sinn Fein/PIRA where serial killers and serial Child Rapists are given equal honours with the likes of Bobby Sands.

Shankill Bomb, October 23rd, 1993

While the Shankill Bomb will remain etched in the minds of all decent human beings, and The Shankill Massacre has been well documented, the fact remains that the Sinn Fein/PIRA spin doctors and their friends in high places have left confusion rather than clarity.

In 1993, The UVF and The UDA had out-gunned The PIRA for the first time since 1969 when The PIRA were founded. It is not a conspiracy theory to believe that the loyalist groupings were in concert with the security services, and this focused campaign was having a significant impact on Sinn Fein/PIRA’s support base.

In East Tyrone, the ancestral home of militant ‘republicanism’ there was talk of a split in 1993, that split had been rumored for years, but had been side-lined as 28 PIRA activists were shot dead by The SAS between 1987-92. Recruitment to The PIRA was not an issue, however, the softer edges of Sinn Fein/PIRA were getting nervous and did not want to be seen publicly involved with Sinn Fein/PIRA particularly at election time, this was a major problem.

The Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership in Belfast and Derry were trying desperately to hold the organisation together, and they knew that any split in the border region would derail the political ambitions of Gerry Adams. The key consideration for Adams and McGuinness was to keep the organisation together at any cost, including sacrificing the lives of the innocent.

The straw that broke the camels back came in April 1993 when secret talks between McGuinness and MI6 were exposed, anyone who remembers that period will remember Adams and McGuinness scrambling like rats to cover their tracks. McGuinness participated in an MI6/BBC crafted documentary to try and explain away a secret document that had been leaked to certain media. Adams and the Belfast leadership weighed in behind McGuinness to support his version of events.


Secret Communication from MI6 Officer Michael Oatley to MI6 Agent Martin McGuinness in 1993

In fact, it was all a lie, McGuinness was in fact an MI6 Agent and even his Handler MI6 Officer Michael Oatley tried to offer support to the Sinn Fein/PIRA narrative. However, PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, PIRA Quarter-Master, Michael McKevitt and PIRA Bagman, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy had known nothing about the McGuinness and MI6 contacts. It could be the case that Adams did not know the full extent of McGuinness’s dealings with MI6.

The exposure of the secret contacts were initially denied by all parties and then gradually as they got their various narratives together, they told their version of events. However, East Tyrone PIRA and other activists around the country were not happy, something had to be done to convince these unsettled PIRA members that Belfast PIRA had not sold out.

Why The Shankill

The political cover-story for The Shankill Bomb would be that The PIRA were targeting Johnny Adair, this was a lie, Johnny Adair could have been taken out any time, The PIRA were receiving, Grade A, information about Johnny Adair from people very closely associated with him.

When The PIRA murdered 10 Protestants at Kingsmill, they used a cover-name, as it was not politically expedient, particularly for the American audience to be engaged in a purely sectarian conflict.

When The PIRA bombed Enniskillen they said they were targeting British military, total nonsense. Enniskillen was a sectarian kill, at a time when Sinn Fein/PIRA needed a blood sacrifice to quench the thirst of their membership and followers, after Loughgall.

The political cover story for Teebane, 17th January 1992, was that the 8 Protestants murdered were working for The Security forces, again, a nice clean kill with good political cover story to sell in America.

Johnny Adair was used as the political cover story for The Shankill Bomb, it was a lie, it was a deliberate sectarian kill to quench the thirst of East Tyrone PIRA as well as PIRA Leaders such as Kevin McKenna, Slab Murphy and Michael McKevitt.

If anyone thinks that Sinn Fein/PIRA would not sacrifice Thomas Begley to give greater credence to their political cover-story, then you have a lot to learn about Sinn Fein/PIRA. They murdered 10 of their men on Hunger-Strike, they murdered 28 of their men in Tyrone 1987-92.

Sinn Fein/PIRA said the bomb exploded ‘prematurely’, where did that information come from? Who can independently prove that the bomb went off before its time? Perhaps MI6 or one of their Puppets. This was a carefully spun web of lies.

The Shankill Bomb had the impact required within Sinn Fein/PIRA, it convinced The PIRA in East Tyrone that the leadership were not selling out and Kevin McKenna was happy with a good kill that was in keeping with the policy of Ethnic Cleansing.




Tuesday, May 12, 2020

Kingsmill Massacre 1976

Kingsmill Inquest Evidence

Statement 21 July 2023

REF No:

THE MATTER OF THE INQUEST TOUCHING UPON THE DEATHS OF JOHN BRYANS, ROBERT CHAMBERS, REGINALD CHAPMAN, WALTER CHAPMAN, ROBERT FREEBURN, JOSEPH LEMON, JAMES MCCONVILLE, JAMES MCWHIRTER, ROBERT WALKER AND KENNETH WHARTON ON 5 JANUARY 1976.

BEFORE THE CORONER MR SHERRARD

WITNESS STATEMENT OF VINCENT MCKENNA

I have been asked by the coroner to give a statement in respect of the inquest into the deaths of John Bryans, Robert Chambers, Reginald Chapman, Walter Chapman, Robert Freeburn, Joseph Lemon, James McConville, James McWhirter, Robert Walker and Kenneth Wharton on 5 January 1976.

I, Vincent McKenna, of an address known to the coroner, will say as follows:

I became aware an inquest was taking place into the Kingsmill murders through a Newsletter post on my Twitter feed on 2 April, 2023. Shortly after reading the article, I made contact with the Coroners Service NI as I felt I had information relevant to the inquest.

When the murders at Kingsmill occurred, I would have been 12 years old. At that time, I was living in Aughnacloy, County Tyrone, and I recall during this period a lot of sectarian murders, including the murders of my cousins Marian Bowen, Marian’s unborn baby, Marians brothers Michael and Seamus McKenna by The UVF at Dungannon. Whilst in 1976 I would have been aware of the murders at Kingsmill I did not at that time have any knowledge regarding what happened.

Before the murders at Kingsmill in 1976 my cousin, Sean McKenna, had been the PIRA’s OC in Newry, however, in order to get more action (Kills), Sean McKenna joined a PIRA Unit in south Armagh that acted under the direct orders of the south Armagh Brigade of The PIRA, who in turn acted under the direct orders of PIRA Northern Command. Sean McKenna was arrested in March 1976 after he had been kidnapped by the SAS from a safe house in Dundalk. Sean after his arrest was imprisoned at Long Kesh and was on the first hunger strike in 1980.

In 1990 Sean McKenna had been released from prison and came to live in Monaghan Town. I had been living in Monaghan Town since 1980. Despite being eight years older than me I had always been close to Sean. His family had moved to Newry in 1958 and my father regularly took me to visit Sean’s family at O’Neil Avenue in Newry, Sean makes reference to these visits in the three-tapes that I have provided to the coroner.

When Sean came to live in Monaghan Town, he had been diagnosed with throat cancer. Due to his imprisonment and the effects of his hunger strike he was in poor health. I did what I could to help him and was able to get him a flat on The Hospital Hill, in Monaghan Town. At that time, I was the foreman of the night-shift at Clonkeen Mushrooms and was able to get Sean a job with me on the night shift. It meant I could keep an eye on him, as at times, due to his health, he struggled with the work.

After Sean had settled in Monaghan Town, he had begun to record his life story. I encouraged and helped him to do so. I recall us sitting together and Sean talking about his life in the PIRA whilst I recorded it onto cassette tapes and took notes. In total I believe there were 5 tapes recorded by Sean. I promised Sean I would not publish his life story until after his death. After a long battle Sean finally succumbed to cancer in 2008 and I published his story on my website in 2013 to mark the Hunger-strike Commemoration in Monaghan Town that year.

In 2013, I was back inside Sinn Fein/PIRA in Dublin and helping to develop their IT Systems as I had just graduated with an MSc (First Class) in Computing. I was in 2013, working closely with Bobby Storey. Bobby Storey whom I had known for many years, was satisfied that I had only campaigned publicly against Sinn Fein/PIRA, 1998-2000, because I had worked for so many years on the peace process and I was angry about continued violence.

In these tapes and in the hundreds of hours of conversation that Sean McKenna and I had, Sean McKenna told how the order to carry out the murders at Kingsmill came directly to him from PIRA Northern Command. In 1976 PIRA Northern Command would have included Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and my cousin, Kevin McKenna (Chief of Staff 1983-1997 – replaced in 1997 by Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy – replaced by Brian Keenan).

The decision had been made to carry out the murders in Kingsmill after a number of sectarian murders in 1975 by both The Provisional IRA and The UVF. The PIRA Northern Command believed killing the 10 Protestants on their way home from work would bring matters to a head and push Northern Ireland to the brink of civil war. This would push the British government to commit to a time frame for a complete disengagement from Northern Ireland. This disengagement had been previously discussed during talks between the British Government and the PIRA leadership in 1975.

This reasoning for and potential consequences of, the Kingsmill attack, was also stated by Michael McKevitt and Colm Murphy when Sean McKenna and I, meet with them in Dundalk, in a social setting in 1992. I am also aware that Colm Murphy, gave an interview to The Irish News in 2016 in which he explained again, what he had explained to me in 1992 about the Plan to Ethically Cleanse south Armagh. The same Colm Murphy, whom with others, had sanctioned my murder in 1998, when I was on the front page of The Sunday Times, explaining the campaign of Ethnic Cleansing as set out by Colm Murphy in 1992.

Though the command for Kingsmill had come direct from the PIRA Northern Command the murders would be claimed by the South Armagh Republican Action Force, according to Sean McKenna, South Armagh Republican Action Force was used as a proxy to allow the PIRA Leadership to deny responsibility for these sectarian killings. Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA funding from The USA in particular was dependent on the conflict in Northern Ireland being presented as non-sectarian or the flow of money and weapons would run dry.

The PIRA Leadership were also in talks with the British, and The PIRA Leadership needed to be able to deny responsibility for murderous actions that they were directing. Similar to The PIRA Leadership arming The Real IRA in 1998 to use as proxies, while presenting themselves as ‘peace-makers’. I know the latter, as my cousin Seamus McKenna (Omagh Bomber) (Sean McKenna’s brother) told me so in 1998 and I went public.

Sean McKenna to ensure that before and after at Kingsmill no one talked about their part in the murders, he used experienced and reliable gunmen. Sean said he was personally involved along with Peter Cleary, Raymond McCreesh, Colm Murphy and Michael McKevitt. The vehicles used in Kingsmill were driven by Coburn and Cullen.

I have provided three tapes of recordings of my cousin, Sean McKenna, as I helped him to tell his life story. I have been told the only reference in the three tapes to the incident at Kingsmill is the following:

“So…things went on…Christmas past and the sectarian trouble started in South Armagh. And I think it was February the ten Protestants were shot in Whitecross. Now looking back on it…At that time, I thought it was the right thing to do. I’m not saying I had anything to do with it, I hadn’t. Thank God. But...I agreed with it, I thought it was the right thing to do. Because…I suppose we believed if we could bring the thing to a head once and for all. And alright…there was going to be a lot of people die but it was going to sort it out one way or the other. But anyway…that was done I think in February, the ten Protestants were shot”.

As I have not heard the three-tapes for 10-years and I have not heard the original 5-tapes that I gave to Mo Mowlam and later the RUC, for 25-years, I am taking it on face value that this is what Sean McKenna has said on the three-tapes about Kingsmill.

I find it difficult, to explain to people outside of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA how the Sinn Fein/PIRA psyche works. I have since 1969 (a 6-year-old child) been associated with Sinn Fein/PIRA, initially in my Uncle Sean’s kitchen in Newry when Sean was founding Sinn Fein/PIRA after the split with Official IRA. Being part of the community in Tyrone that had family murdered by The PIRA and UVF. Infiltrating (16-years-old) Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan Town in 1980 (as a Garda Agent) and so forth.

I have never taken money or sought favour for my work, I am simply motivated by the murder of my Uncle Cyril McCaul by The PIRA in November, 1973, an innocent civilian, whose de-capitated body I seen in the morgue in Dungannon Hospital when I was 9-years-old.

I have explained that Sean McKenna was being ‘coy’ in his initial utterances about his role in Kingsmill, Sean McKenna did not, for very obvious reasons want to go back to jail, and certainly not for his role in Kingsmill.

“At that time, I thought it was the right thing to do. I’m not saying I had anything to do with it, I hadn’t. Thank God”.

Sean McKenna placed this phrase in the tape, so that if the tapes ended up in the hands of the authorities (Ivor Bell was charged in recent times, because of what he said on tapes, that were not to become public until after his death), he could deny any role in Kingsmill. Sean McKenna was a seasoned player, and this is clear from the three tapes provided, he knew how to limit disclosure in order to minimise the risks to himself.

For example, when arrested (17-years-old) with his father on the morning of internment, he eventually makes limited disclosures in order to be taken out of RUC Special Branch custody, but Sean does not disclose the whereabouts of the ten rifles he had hidden that morning, after a plan of mass murder failed to materialise.

Again, when arrested in 1976, Sean makes limited disclosures in order to be taken out of RUC Special Branch custody in Gough Barracks and remanded to Crumlin Road Jail.

Sean McKenna says, “I thought it was the right thing to do”, he does not say, “I thought they done the right thing”, I am satisfied that this is an admission of guilt, and this admission of guilt was supported in the hundreds of hours I spent debriefing Sean McKenna.

Sean McKenna says, “I suppose we believed if we could bring the thing to a head once and for all”, in this passage, Sean McKenna clearly places himself within both the strategic and tactical decision-making processes relating to Kingsmill. Sean McKenna, by his own admission was operating with Peter Cleary, whom the Provisional IRA have publicly stated was a staff officer on the south Armagh Brigade of The Provisional IRA, there was and is no higher decision-making body in south Armagh.

Sean McKenna continues, “And alright…there was going to be a lot of people die but it was going to sort it out one way or the other”. Again, Sean McKenna places himself at the strategic and tactical decision-making process, because he is speaking with prior knowledge, “there was going to be a lot of people die”, of the events that were to unfold at Kingsmill

I spent hundreds of hours ‘debriefing’ Sean McKenna while he and I worked and socialised together while he was living in Monaghan Town. My job as a State Agent, from 1980, was to extract information from terrorists. My ability to memorise both the spoken and written word was one of my key assets.

My encouragement to Sean McKenna to tell his life story, was simply an opening gambit for me to extract further and more detailed information, exactly as I done, and continue to do, with many others.

Debriefing Sean McKenna, 1990-92, was only a small part of my intelligence work, my key focus was Michael ‘Pete’ Ryan and his Unit who were an active threat to life. When that threat was extinguished in June, 1991, I was able to focus more on Sean McKenna and historical crimes committed.

During my time with Sean McKenna, An Garda Siochana, wanted information about certain terrorist attacks in the Irish Republic that Sean may have had information about, although not necessarily involved in. Gardai did not show any particular interest in Kingsmill, mainly because it was planned and operationalised outside the state.

An Garda Siochana were particularly interested in the murder of Garda Michael Clerkin from Monaghan Town, by the Provisional IRA. Although Sean McKenna was in prison at the time of Garda Michael Clerkin’s murder, Gardai believed that because of Sean McKenna’s senior rank both inside and outside prison Sean may have the names of those who murdered Garda Clerkin. An Garda Siochana were also interested in the murder of Senator Billy Fox, who had been murdered by The Provisional IRA.

My initial Garda contact in Monaghan Town, Garda Detective, Christy McNamee, who was retired in 1990, and working as a private detective, was interested in establishing any facts about the murder of Garda Gary Sheehan by the PIRA in December, 1983, as Garda Gary Sheehan was the son of Detective McNamee’s former colleague, Garda Sheehan, in Clontibret, Monaghan.

Garda Detective, Christy McNamee, was the Garda Officer, who rescued me (11-years-old) in June 1975, when rioting erupted in Clara graveyard, in north Monaghan, as my Uncle Sean McKenna (Hooded-man) was being buried and my cousin Sean McKenna (Hunger-striker) was preparing to fire a volley of shots over his father’s coffin, with his father’s personal pearl-handled revolver. In April 1980, as I prepared to leave school in June 1980, I cycled to Monaghan Town to seek out the Garda who had rescued me in 1975. I was introduced to Garda Detective Christy McNamee by Garda Sean Casey. I volunteered for and was recruited as a State Agent to infiltrate Sinn Fein/PIRA.

For my part, I wanted to know if Sean McKenna made any correlation between his actions at Tullyvallen Orange Hall in 1975 (Sean McKenna made the bomb for Tullyvallen) and Kingsmill in 1976, and the murders of our cousins Marian Bowen, Marian’s unborn baby, Marian’s brother’s Michael and Seamus McKenna by the Glenanne Gang/UVF at Dungannon in 1975, by means of a booby-trap bomb.

I am satisfied that Sean McKenna told me that he was one of the shooters at Kingsmill, I would not say that, if Sean did not say it, and Sean would not have admitted it, if it were not true, it was no badge of honour for anyone claiming to be ‘republican’.  

I eventually encouraged Sean McKenna to detail his role and the role of others at Kingsmill, with the promise that I would not publish his story until after his death, he believed in 1992 that he would die from cancer of the throat, Sean then moved to County Kerry. Sean McKenna said that The Kingsmill attack had been sanctioned in December, 1975, however, it took time to get the logistics in place. Sean McKenna, Michael McKevitt and Colm Murphy supplied the weapons.

Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy and his brother Patrick Murphy (PIRA Finance), raised concerns about the impact the attack on Kingsmill could have on fund-raising (Smuggling – Sinn Fein/PIRA and a small number of Protestant smugglers were inter-dependent on each other’s discretion) but in the end Tom and Patrick did not dissent.

While the Reavey and O’Dowd murders made it easier to ‘Justify’ Kingsmill, the attack on Kingsmill was going to take place anyway, it was pure coincidence that it happened in such close proximity to the Reavey and O’Dowd murders.

By Sean McKenna’s own admission on the tapes, by March, 1976, when it became clear to the good people of south Armagh, that The Provisional IRA had sanctioned and carried out The Kingsmill murders, traditionally safe-houses for PIRA members in south Armagh, shut their doors in the faces of PIRA members.

I am satisfied that the quotes from the Sean McKenna tapes as set-out above, are admissions by Sean McKenna of his role in the strategic and tactical planning of the operation at Kingsmill and the logic and thinking behind such an attack and its anticipated outcome. I am satisfied that the quotes from the tapes provided, my own debriefing of Sean McKenna and Sean McKenna’s admissions to me, identify Sean McKenna as one of the planners, organisers and shooters at Kingsmill. I am not sure what the missing tapes contain, but I am certain, that in them, Sean McKenna admits to murders, for which he was not convicted.

In July, 2023, as I was going through some old files, I found some notes on the back of an old contract from 1990 (copy given to coroner’s office), in which Sean McKenna stated that the shot-gun he had at Kingsmill, is the same shot-gun that he had in his possession when taken into custody by The SAS in March, 1976. Perhaps with new developments in technology this could be tested. In the tapes Sean McKenna says, “I had the shot-gun” he does not say, “I had a shot-gun”.

Those notes also show that Sean McKenna admitted emptying a sub-machine gun into a woman in south Armagh when she refused to hand over her car at a PIRA Check-point and she died at the scene. The latter is also disclosed on one of the original 5-tapes.

Sean McKenna also stated that Gerry Adams wrote both the Press Release relating to Kingsmill and the claim of responsibility for the Kingsmill attack by South Armagh Republican Action Force, however, both the Press Release and the claim of responsibility were delivered by Brian Keenan, I did not establish exactly what the latter meant. For example, did Brian Keenan deliver the text for the claim of responsibility to Sean McKenna or did Brian phone it through himself.

Sean McKenna said that both south Armagh Brigade of The Provisional IRA and Northern Command of the PIRA supported by Seamus Twomey (PIRA Chief of Staff, replaced by Gerry Adams as Chief of Staff in 1977) and others had sanctioned the Kingsmill murders, just as they had sanctioned the killings of three British soldiers in the weeks before Kingsmill, killings in which some of the Kingsmill murderers were involved, including Raymond McCreesh, Peter Cleary and Sean McKenna and any suggestion that attacks in south Armagh were not being sanctioned by The Provisional IRA Army Council during this period was nonsense.

While Gerry Adams has consistently denied being a member of The Provisional IRA, I can say with 100% certainty that Gerry Adams was a member of The Provisional IRA.

On the 13 July, 1983, PIRA Army Council member, Joe Cahill, told me, in general conversation, at Sinn Fein HQ, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin, that he (Joe) had sworn Gerry Adams into The PIRA. When I left 44 Parnell Square, 13 July, 1983, I was followed by Garda Special Branch, arrested at a PIRA safe-house and held under Section 30 Offences Against the State Act at the Bridewell Garda Station. In 1984, I meet Gerry Adams in his role as a senior member of The PIRA at 21 Dublin Street, Monaghan Town. I have spoken to senior PIRA members such as Jock Davidson and Joseph ‘Joe’ Haughey who took their orders directly from Gerry Adams.

Sean McKenna claimed that he had been chosen for the first Hunger-strike in 1980 by Brendan Hughes (Gerry Adams right-hand man) and Raymond McCreesh had been chosen for the second hunger-strike in 1981 due to their service in south Armagh during the 1975-76 period in particular. They would not have been chosen for such a prestigious appointment (Republican Martyrdom) if they had acted outside of the chain of command at any time, remembering that each Hunger-striker had to be rubber-stamped by Northern Command and in particular The Belfast Leadership.

I was on the inside of these conversations in Monaghan Town in 1980, with Kevin McKenna, JB O’Hagan, Bernadette McAliskey and so forth. I was again on the inside of these conversations in Monaghan Town in 1981 before the second hunger-strike, and when in The Swan Lake Hotel, we voted to run Bobby Sands, Kieran Doherty and so forth as H-Block candidates, in up coming elections, rather than Sinn Fein candidates as we believed only small numbers would vote for Sinn Fein candidates at that time.

On the 30 June, 1999, I travelled to the House of Commons to attend Northern Ireland Question Time, in the Distinguished Strangers Gallery, by invitation from a cross party group of MPs, I have provided the coroner’s office with a copy of the official invitation.

Mo Mowlam was Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and she spoke during Northern Ireland Question Time, 30 June, 1999, it was Mowlam who had sought the issue of a special invitation to me, as we knew each other in Northern Ireland.

Following Northern Ireland Question Time, I was brought to an office/room (had leather couches – more like a sitting room) where Mo Mowlam met with me. I had asked to speak with Mo Mowlam and someone associated with Harry Barnes MP had organised the meeting.

At this meeting, 30 June, 1999, which only lasted about five-minutes, as Mo was running off to an official meeting, I asked Mo Mowlam not to issue Comfort Letters to PIRA Terrorists. In order to support my position, I gave Mo Mowlam a copy of the five-4-track Sean McKenna tapes, to demonstrate to Mowlam that closure could yet be brought to many terrorist victims, once we had the correct process in place. I believe that I mentioned the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that had been established in south Africa.

It was not unusual for ‘fixers’ to arrange meetings for me at Westminster. On the 27 January, 1999, a ‘fixer’ associated with Harry Barnes MP, arranged for Sean O’Callaghan (MI5/Garda Special Branch, Agent) to meet with me for lunch in Westminster. Also at the lunch table were Harry Barnes MP, Gary Kent (Fixer) and Ruth Dudley Edwards (Journalist).

This lunch meeting, 27 January, 1999, with Sean O’Callaghan and I, ended abruptly, when Sean O’Callaghan received a friendly phone call from Martin McGuinness (alleged MI6 Agent) to advise Sean O’Callaghan that Eamon Collins (RUC Super-grass – retracted his evidence – was allowed to return to Barcroft Park Newry by PIRA Leadership including Gerry Adams) had just been murdered in Newry by The PIRA, as Eamon had given evidence against Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy in The Sunday Times libel trial in Dublin. Sean O’Callaghan and I, were also witnesses in this trial.

Fixers had also arranged meetings for me at Westminster on various dates with Lord Cranbourne, William Hague, Newspaper Editors and so forth. These meetings all relating to my work in Northern Ireland and my specific knowledge both practical and academic (A Fairly Secret Army, 1996) of terrorist groups.

Following my return from London 30 June, 1999

During my time with Families Against Intimidation and Terror (FAIT) I had established a working relationship with Michael Wright, an RUC Special Branch officer. I felt I could place trust in him as he had family connections with Aughnacloy where I had grown up. In 1999 just off the Ormeau Road I meet Michael Wright and another RUC Special Branch Officer and gave him copies of the 5 tapes I had recorded with Sean McKenna, and given to Mo Mowlam 30 June, 1999.

I would conclude by saying that in 1999, when I gave RUC Special Branch Officer, Michael Wright the 5-tapes relating to Sean McKenna, our priority concern in 1999 was active terrorist threats, not Historical Inquiries. Our work prevented numerous terrorist attacks, notably, the interception of the 500lb bomb destined for the residence of The Secretary of State, Peter Mandelson. The prevention of the murders of senior Sinn Fein/PIRA personnel and the prevention of no warning bomb attacks in The Irish Republic.

Statement of Truth

I believe that the facts stated in this statement are true.

Signed…………………………………………………………………………..

STATEMENT OF WITNESS: VINCENT MCKENNA

Dated: 21 July 2023

Person Taking Statement ………………………Graham Reilly

Background

This article is written and based on information that I received from Sean McKenna who had first-hand knowledge of The Kingsmill Massacre. The events of The Kingsmill Massacre have been well covered in a number of books and so forth, I have not read any such books and all information presented here comes purely from information provided by Sean McKenna.

According to Sean McKenna the claim of responsibility for Kingsmill and The PIRA Press Release denying PIRA involvement in the Kingsmill Massacre were both written by Gerry Adams and delivered by Brian Keenan. Discourse Analysis of both statements identify one-hand, writing both the claim of responsibility and press release containing PIRA denial. The PIRA Press release of denial was issued from Belfast.

South Armagh Republican Action Force, January, 1976, “Kingsmill was retaliation for the Reavey–O'Dowd killings the night before Kingsmill and there will be no further action on our part if loyalists stop their attacks. We have no connection with the PIRA”.

The Provisional IRA Leadership in Belfast stated, January, 1976:

“The Irish Republican Army ‘has never initiated sectarian killings’, and sectarianism of any kind is abhorrent to the Republican Movement. If the loyalist elements responsible for over 300 sectarian assassinations in the past four years stop such killing now, then the question of retaliation from whatever source will not arise”.

Sean McKenna was on the first Sinn Fein/PIRA Hunger Strike in The Maze/Long Kesh in 1980 and his autobiography can be found exclusively at this link.

“Christmas passed and the sectarian trouble started in south Armagh, 10 Protestants were shot dead on their way home from work, I agreed with it, to bring the thing to a head, it would sort it out, in January 1976 the 10 Protestants were shot dead, in March I had nowhere to stay so I went back to my Father’s house in Edentubber, County Louth. The man who owned the house (Watters) had been killed with three others when the bomb they were preparing went off accidentally, so the people in the area seen me and my Father carrying the line on for the IRA. My Father had died in the house in Edentubber in 1975 as a result of the torture he had been subjected to by the British”. Sean McKenna.

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Comfort Letters

Some of those involved in sanctioning The Kingsmill Massacre are now dead as are some of those directly involved, this is the case both at local Command and PIRA Army Council levels. Some of those who would later go On-the-Run (OTR) for Kingsmill and other atrocities were given Comfort Letters. In the aftermath of The Omagh Bomb, Michael McKevitt and others involved in The Omagh Bomb were offered the opportunity to walk away from prosecution if they would disband and decommission.

The South Armagh Republican Action Force

The Kingsmill Massacre was claimed by The South Armagh Republican Action Force, however, this was, according to Sean McKenna, a proxy name used by The PIRA, as such out and out sectarian murder as Kingsmill, was not in keeping with The Sinn Fein/PIRA claim that the conflict in the north was a war between British Military and The PIRA, and not sectarian.

Sinn Fein/PIRA would/and continue to use many proxy groups and cover names for actions and atrocities that they did not want to claim for political reasons, Direct Action Against Drugs, Concerned Residents and so forth. Irish American support always weaned when purely sectarian atrocities occurred. The purely sectarian Enniskillen Bombin 1987 cost Sinn Fein/PIRA their supply line from Libya.

In 1997-98 the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership allowed Michael McKevitt and others to take Semtex, weapons, ammunition and personnel without sanction in order to create The Real IRA. The Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership said; 

“The odd bomb going off here and there will keep Unionists focused on working with the Doves”, Kevin McKenna, PIRA Chief of Staff (1983-97). 

Using The Real IRA as a proxy back-fired with the Omagh Bomb in August 1998.

It will come as no surprise that some of those directly involved in The Kingsmill Massacre in 1976, were also involved in The Omagh Bomb, Colm Murphy and Michael McKevitt. Had it not been for the acquiescence of The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership including Kevin McKenna, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, Martin McGuinness and so forth, it is unlikely The Omagh Bomb would have occurred.

Kingsmill Massacre

The Kingsmill Massacre was a mass sectarian shooting of Protestants that took place on 5th January, 1976, near the village of Whitecross in south County Armagh, Northern Ireland. 10 Protestants were lined up and murdered in cold blood, an 11th Protestant, Alan Black, survived, but was maimed for life. The only Roman Catholic on board escaped with his life after the killers told him to flee, having established that he was Catholic.

According to Sean McKenna the operation had been sanctioned at local Command level in December 1975 and quickly sanctioned by The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership without defection. The Massacre had been sanctioned by the Leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA at that time including Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, Brian Keenan, Seamus Twomey, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and so forth.


Sean McKenna was closely associated with Seamus Twomey and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, with Ruairí Ó Brádaigh having delivered the oration at Sean’s Father’s funeral in Clara, north County Monaghan in June, 1975. Sean McKenna Snr was one of the Ten-Hooded men who was tortured during Internment.

Kingsmill Massacre PIRA involved

Sean McKenna said that he was personally involved in the Kingsmill Massacre and he supported the Massacre without reservation. Sean McKenna said that he was personally aware of a large number of PIRA members being involved in The Kingsmill operation. Sean McKenna named the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership supporting the operation and set out above.

Sean McKenna (whose brother Seamus McKenna drove the bomb into Omagh 1998) named operational members as Peter Cleary (later shot dead by SAS), Raymond McCreesh (died on Hunger Strike), Colm Murphy (later accused of Omagh Bomb), Michael McKevitt (later accused of Omagh Bomb). 

The van used to transport The PIRA members and weapons was driven by Coburn and the Ford Cortina was driven by Cullen. The weapons included four Armalites, a 9mm sub machine-gun, a shotgun, two rifles, a semi-automatic rifle, a carbine and a 357-magnum revolver, all used in dozens of PIRA operations and two of the weapons would also be used to kill two senior RUC officers outside Dundalk in 1989.

Sunday, May 3, 2020

Who Murdered innocent Protestant Mr Henry Livingstone in Tynan on March 6th, 1980


Exclusive: Who Murdered innocent Protestant Mr Henry Livingstone in Tynan on March 6th, 1980

Murdering Protestants

One of the tactics adopted by Kevin McKenna (PIRA Chief of Staff, 1983-1997) was to murder non-military/civilian Protestants and then issue a press statement through P.O’Neil (Seamus McGarrigle) that they (The PIRA) believed that the innocent victim was a member of the British military. This tactic was specifically used against the sons of Protestant farmers in rural border areas, eventually the Protestants would be driven from their land, this tactic would become formalised and more widely used with the adoption of a policy of ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ by The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership in 1986.

Sunday Times, March, 1998, by Liam Clarke.

Targeting Mr Henry Livingstone

Mr Henry Livingstone was an innocent Protestant who worked hard on his farm at Cortynan, Tynan, County Armagh. Kevin McKenna who was the Commanding Officer of The PIRA in Monaghan in 1980 sanctioned the murder of Mr Livingston as he fitted the profile which fitted with McKenna’s sectarian campaign in the border counties.

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The PIRA Unit who were dispatched by Kevin McKenna to murder Mc Livingstone were Sinn Fein Councillor on Monaghan Urban Council, Mr James ‘Jim’ Lynagh who was 25 years old in 1980. Lynagh was already a seasoned killer at the age of 25, he had served a sentence in The Maze/Long Kesh for possession of explosives. Jim Lynagh would be OC (Officer Commanding) the PIRA Unit that would murder Mr Livingstone.

The second PIRA member on the PIRA team would be Laurence McNally aged 28 from County Tyrone, who was On-The-Run (OTR) and living in Monaghan Town. The third member of the PIRA team would be 22-year-old Aidan McGurk, who was also from Tyrone and OTR living in Monaghan Town.

The Murder of Mr Henry Livingstone

The 3-man PIRA team were delivered to the border by another PIRA operative from Monaghan Town and the driver then returned to Monaghan as The PIRA team intended to steal Mr Livingstone’s car after they had murdered him.

The 3-man PIRA team took up position in a hay shed on Mr Livingston’s farm. When Mr Livingstone entered the shed The PIRA team opened fire and Mr Livingstone fell to the ground badly injured, he called out to The PIRA team to halt firing, however, Jim Lynagh and Laurence McNally stepped forward and fired another 6 shots into Mr Livingstone as he lay wounded on the ground, killing him instantly. For The PIRA team it was a job well done.

The Escape

The 3-man PIRA team then stole Mr Livingstone’s car and made their way back to the border where they abandoned the car and made their way back to Monaghan Town after being picked up by another PIRA member. The PIRA team were picked up in Monaghan Town by Gardai within a couple of hours of the murder.

Criminal Law Jurisdiction Act 1976

The 3-man PIRA team were charged by Gardai under The Criminal Law Jurisdiction Act 1976, this was the first prosecution brought under this law. While there was forensic evidence to show that all 3-PIRA men had discharged a firearm and there was mud and straw on their clothes to match that of Mr Livingstone’s Hayshed, the Court in Dublin found that there was not enough evidence to convict for murder, the men walked free.

In January 1981: Jim Lynagh, Laurence McNally and Aidan McGurk would be part of an 8-man PIRA team to murder Sir Norman Strong and his son James at Tynan Abbey.

Jim Lynagh would be shot dead by the SAS at Loughgall in 1987 and Laurence McNally would be shot dead in 1991 by the SAS in Tyrone.

In 1981, Aiden McGurk, 24, and James Ginley, 27, were charged in a special non-jury Dublin court with possession of explosives and membership in the outlawed Irish Republican Army, after they were found by Gardai sleeping as they waited to detonate a landmine by command wire. In July 1992 Aidan McGurk would face prosecution for PIRA membership, initially convicted and later acquitted.

Mr Henry Livingstone, Murder, Sinn Fein, Provisional IRA

Susan McKay, Press Ombudsman

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