Monday, September 6, 2021

Sean McKenna Hunger-striker 1981 Biography

Sean McKenna Hunger-striker 1981 Biography 

In 2009 a senior Sinn Fein member, Jim Gibney, paid Tribute in The Irish News, to Sean McKenna Jnr and his Father Sean McKenna Snr when he said, “The McKenna's are republicans. They believed partition was wrong and actively opposed British occupation. They paid a high price for their political convictions.”

Sean McKenna was on the first Provisional IRA Hunger Strike in Long Kesh which began on the 27th of October 1980, Sean would remain on hunger strike for 53 days, at which time he fell into a coma and Brendan Hughes called off the hunger strike as the British had granted concessions, Sean McKenna was then subject to electric shock treatment and his heart was restarted.

Following Sean’s release from Long Kesh he worked with his cousin Vincent McKenna in Monaghan Mushrooms in Monaghan Town, and during this period Sean McKenna recorded his life story on four-track tape. Sean gave the tapes to his cousin Vincent McKenna and asked Vincent to transcribe and publish the tapes after Sean had died. Now in 2013 Vincent McKenna has transcribed the tapes and publishes them here to coincide with the National Hunger Strike Commemoration in Monaghan Town on the 4th of August 2013.

In the transcribed tapes Sean McKenna accepts that he freely volunteered for the first IRA hunger strike in 1980 and that he again put his name forward for the second hunger strike in 1981, although he was still in hospital recovering from the first hunger strike at the time. Sean McKenna claims that it was the Prison Officers Association’s refusal to implement the ‘concessions’ offered by the British that created the conditions for a second hunger strike in which 10 Irish Republicans would die.

Sean McKenna also controversially claims that during the second hunger strike, the IRA Officer Commanding, Bik McFarland, was forcing hunger strikers to sign affidavits in front of solicitors, and that these documents would ensure that when hunger strikers fell into comas, their families would not be allowed to have them resuscitated, this action says McKenna, was wrong and not republican. McKenna states categorically that the IRA leadership inside and outside Long Kesh, got carried away with the publicity being generated by the hunger strikes and were prepared to allow men to die for political gain.

Other hunger strikers such as Richard O’Rawe would support the McKenna thesis that the IRA leadership were more concerned with electioneering than they were with the lives of Irish republicans in Long Kesh. This thesis is further supported by Official British papers released under the 30 year rule in 2011 which appear to vindicate O’Rawe’s claims that the IRA leadership vetoed a deal put forward by Margaret Thatcher’s government.

The concessions offered by Thatcher and the timing of the offer, suggests that four IRA and two INLA hunger strikers died needlessly in order to facilitate the political ambitions of certain people within the leadership of the Provisional IRA, in particular Gerry Adams TD.

Martin McGuinness MI6 Agent

While it has always been suggested that all communication between MI6 and the IRA leadership (before/during and after the hunger strikes) was passed through a Derry based ‘middleman’ a communication between MI6 Agent Michael Oatley and Martin McGuinness (1993), reproduced here and published publicly for the first time, shows that there was a very direct line of communication between Martin McGuinness and MI6, however, this particular line of communication between McGuinness and MI6 suggests that Martin McGuinness was an MI6 Agent rather than a negotiator on behalf of the Provisional IRA or Sinn Fein. This assertion can be made, as Oatley was not part of the MI5 lead negotiating team that was engaged with the IRA leadership in 1993, Oatley had been replaced by a senior MI5 Officer, John Deverill, both Oatley and John Deverill had at all times been advised by former IRA Commander/MI5 Agent Sean O’Callaghan, hence, Oatley’s use of the Irish language in his communication to McGuinness.

Dealings between the IRA and MI6 go back to the early 1970’s when the intelligence agency operated out of a house in Hollywood, Co Down known as Laneside. In 1974 and 1975 a Foreign Office diplomat, James Allen and a senior MI6 Agent, Michael Oatley regularly met IRA leaders there during what became known as “the Feakle ceasefire”, from this time forward many Senior IRA activists such as McGuinness were groomed by M16.

MI6 Communication to Martin McGuinness

Here is reproduced an exact copy of a communication (1993) sent from MI6 Agent Michael Oatley (The Mountain Climber) to Martin McGuinness Sinn Fein/IRA Leader in 1993. Later in 1994 IRA Chief of Staff Kevin McKenna would give a rare interview to Eamon Malley from Downtown radio in which McKenna would say, “As long as the boys with the balaclavas are at the table I am happy enough”, this was a reference to the IRA members who made up the Sinn Fein delegations meeting with the British Government in 1994. However, while Kevin McKenna was IRA Chief of Staff, no effort was made by the northern leadership to facilitate McKenna at the negotiating table and McKenna had to rely heavily on Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD who acted as a messenger between the northern leadership and McKenna who was on-the-run and living in Smithboro in County Monaghan.

In the communication Oatley refers to the National Chairman (John Major) and the National Executive (the British Cabinet), the Local Chairman refers to Sir Patrick Mayhew (northern Secretary of State at the time). The headline events relate to several IRA bomb attacks in the north of Ireland and also the Warrington bomb that killed two school boys.

When Sir Patrick Mayhew was speaking at a public lecture in Queens University at this time, he was asked by a student if the British were engaged in talks with Sinn Fein/IRA, Sir Patrick denied any talks were taking place at any level. When the same question was put to John Major in the House of Commons, Major said it would make his stomach sick to think that anyone from his Government or Government officials would be talking with terrorists. When the communication below was privately shown to certain trusted journalists, McGuinness tried to counteract its content by going public in a British crafted documentary explaining that all of his contact with MI6 was at the direction of the republican leadership, however, McGuinness has failed to explain the tone and tenor of this communication from Oatley, and why Oately was still communicating with McGuinness in 1993 long after Oatley had been removed from the British negotiations with the IRA.

In the aftermath of the 1994 IRA cease-fire there was a ‘war of words’ or ‘political theatre’ between the northern IRA leadership and the British Government as to whether ‘decommissioning’ had been part of the negotiated process, in a bizarre move Michael Oatley moved to help the McGuinness argument that decommissioning was not part of the immediate process, in so doing, Oatley supplied some of his official documents and notes relating to the IRA talks to a senior academic at Queens University in Belfast  to help resolve the issue, the communication below was accidentally included in Oatley’s documents and those documents were accessed and copied by an IRA intelligence officer.


O’Rawe Claims are disputed

The claims by O’Rawe are disputed by those who made political and monetary gain off the backs of the hunger strikes, people such as Danny Morrison suggest that the Official British papers support the IRA leadership’s decision to push on with the hunger strike as the British had not ‘formulated a final position’. However, O’Rawe and the British papers suggest that a resolution to the hunger strike crisis was available in early July 1981. In 2011 the businessman who had acted as ‘go-between’ for MI6 and the IRA, before, during and after the hunger strike period, Mr Brendan Duddy provided his own private papers on the hunger strike period to Galway University and those papers support the view that a deal was possible in early July 1981 before another six republicans died on hunger strike.

Brendan Duddy who has never shown any political bias in his role, supports the view held by O’Rawe that on the 5th July 1981 the British had went a long way towards meeting the demands of the hunger strikers and the prisoners would have accepted those terms, at least as something to work with going forward. O’Rawe believes that the IRA leadership in some guise or other, wanted to capitalise on the deaths of the hunger strikers and wanted to get Owen Carron and others, if possible, elected.

It is reasonable to suggest that the Provisional IRA/Sinn Fein leadership wanted to capitalise on the hunger strikes, this could be seen clearly in Fermanagh/South Tyrone and Cavan/Monaghan, were scarce resources were spent on several election campaigns off the back of the election of Bobby Sands and Kieran Doherty, for example, in Monaghan/Cavan Sinn Fein fought two general election campaigns in 1982, at a time when IRA volunteers were struggling to accumulate enough ammunition for gun attacks on British Army bases close to the Monaghan ‘border’. Prisoner’s wives were receiving little benefit from all of the Prisoners Dependence Fund (PDF) money being collected around the country; as such money was being used for election expenses.

It is clear from Duddy’s own records that the British had offered concessions that could have ended the hunger strike, however, it appears that Gerry Adams and other IRA leaders in Belfast wanted to capitalise on the deaths of the hunger strikers, and it is clear that IRA leaders in the south of Ireland were not shown the detail of the British concessions, Ruari O’Bradaigh, told this writer that he had never seen the deal offered by the British.

While Danny Morrison and others, who benefited politically and monetarily from the death of the hunger strikers, try to rubbish many former comrades, the reality is that the IRA leadership trusted Bendan Duddy for over 20 years, and he has no reason to lie about his role. Professor Paul Bew, Ireland’s foremost authority on the northern conflict, suggests that the British papers neither prove nor disprove O’Rawe’s thesis.

Vol. Sean McKenna – Biography – 1954 to 2008

I was born in Clara in north Monaghan in 1954, my Mother is Bridget Keogh from Clogher in County Tyrone and my Father was Sean McKenna from Clara in north Monaghan. My Father Sean McKenna was a farm labourer and small farmer. In 1957 my Mother and Father decided to move the family to Ivy Hill College in Newry, where my Father worked on the College farm as a manager and was paid £11 per-week. I was left in Tyrone with my Grandmother at this time, I have no idea why and nobody has ever explained it to me.

I eventually moved to the farm cottage in Newry with the rest of the family, I began my school days in the Mercy Convent in Newry, soon afterwards the nuns decided that the school should be an all-girl school and so I had to move to Abbey Yard Christian Brothers School. I remember a Miss Lennon, very old fashioned, very strict, but alright.

The Christian Brothers taught me well, and one particular Christian Brother from County Kerry taught us about Irish Republicanism, at this time I was also hearing many stories at home about Sinn Fein and the IRA, both my parents were republicans, more so on my Father’s side of the family.

I was being conditioned to republicanism from a young age, my Father could play the accordion, and we had great nights in Newry when my Father’s brothers, Peter, Arthur, Patsy and my cousins would come, songs stirred emotions, great thing to fight for your country and even die for your country if possible. I remember great nights with the Attys (McKennas) from Monaghan and the McGeoughs from Clogher. My Father bought some books for me, they were about the IRA 1957-62 campaign and I got some books myself when I was 11-14 years old.

When I was 7 years old I got a dog in Monaghan, I would go hunting with my dog after school and even mitch school for hunting, school was a lot of nonsense, I thought. When I was 11 years old, I done a lot of hunting between Newry and Poyntzpass, it was a happy childhood.

In 1968 the Civil Rights Campaign started, I had no clue about civil rights, I was about 13 years old, I heard about police brutality, people beaten and killed, I hated the police, I was brought up to hate the police. I went to civil rights marches, at the time I worked in Mick McArdle’s shop.

I told my Mother and Father that I was going to a civil rights march, my Father said that civil rights was no good, that we needed the country free, my Mother asked my Father to explain politics to me, in about 10 minutes he explained nationalist and unionist, Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, Sinn Fein, all of this was explained to me in 10 minutes, that was it.

When I went to the civil rights march I enjoyed the crack, fighting the police, I went back to work and Mick McArdle told me not to get involved too much, however, I enjoyed the fighting and used the civil rights marches to get at the police.

I then began working at the college farm, my Mother’s brother John was manager on the farm and it was good. I wanted to join the IRA, however, the Offical IRA would not take me until I was 16 years old, I was only 15, then there was talk of a split, my Father set up a Provisional Sinn Fein Cumann in Newry, my Father asked me to join the Sinn Fein Cumann, I told my Father I was only interested in fighting the Brits, my Father said, “join this Cumann and you will get all the fighting you want”.

The Cumann was a boring carry-on, I sold An Phoblacht/Republican News or a version of it at that time, I was with good people, the right people, people I wanted to be with, however, I wanted more. A few nights around the cottage in 1970, boys arrived at the house, I did not know them, I knew there was something big on. Joe Conway stands out he was about six foot tall, 54 years of age, good fighter, bouncer around Newry. I could see boxes going in and out of the shed, I knew there something big on, there were men working in the garage, that night there would be an explosion in the town, buildings destroyed, I knew my Father was in the IRA and so I tortured him to get me in, eventually he agreed and I was sworn in at the Paul Smith Sinn Fein rooms in Newry. It was good to be in the IRA, I was sent away to training camps in the south of Ireland.

I was trained to use weapons, Thompsons, carbines, 38s or 32s that’s all we had, the training was good but I wanted to use them, I was 16. One night at the cottage in Newry older men came back with a bomb and did not plant it, the bomb was primed, I asked an older IRA man to give the bomb to me and I would stick it somewhere. I took the 15lb gelignite bomb that had a 15 minute blue fuse, and I blew up a transformer, I was only hitting ordinary people, but I did not know that nor did the fellow that sent me. It blew the transformer away and I was happy enough. I then meet with Joe Conway and he trained me in making bombs, I liked bombs, I was really interested in landmines.

Joe trained me in landmines, Joe would take me up from Newry and we would walk over the mountains and move to Louth, sometimes we had guns, it was all about watching and learning, I was 16 years, Joe helped me a lot, I am grateful to Joe.

The next thing I done a few more bombs around Newry using gelignite, however, gelignite was scarce, in 1970 people wanted us to do something, the Brits were on the streets, my Father and other men would use 303 Rifles and fire as few shots at the Brits. I had some good times planting bombs and levelling buildings, I enjoyed it. I was still in Sinn Fein going to parades, I went to Fergal O’Hanlon commemoration in Monaghan Town and Daithi O’Connell impressed me when he was speaking at that commemoration.

We were operating in Newry, Down and south Armagh, we were getting tougher and the Brits were getting tougher, our house had been searched in 1970, my birthday was in Feb and I was 17, I was operating and doing the best I could.

There was an operation in Newry and it did not come off, we had ten rifles, my Father and I carried them across fields, it was the 8th of August 1970, we hid the weapons up trees, my Father had pains that night and so he went home and I hid the rest of the weapons and the ammunition. I got home about 3.30am on the 9th of August 1970, the Brits came into the house at 4am and the Brits were in bad temper, I thought the IRA had shot someone, we were taken to the UDR barracks, there were 50 or 60 men in the UDR Barracks, some Provos and some Stickys, many others who had nothing to do with republicanism were also lifted, the sticks were nervous and afraid.

The following morning we were moved to Ballykinlar Army Barracks, it was rough stuff, kicking and punching, some of the older men were not fit for it, I was 17, I was fit for it. They took us into Nissan huts, made us lay on the floor and began exercising us, they worked us all day, we had a stew and bucket of water, we got no break, the exercising and beatings went on to 4am the next morning, press ups, sit ups, the soldiers were changing every few hours and if you did not do it you got beat. The beatings were horrific, men were beaten unconscious.

I was taken in by the RUC Special Branch, they talked to me, gave me a cigarette and so forth and sent me out after 15 minutes, I was crumbling, and they knew it, the older men, hard-men were crumbling, we could not get away.

I did not tell them where the guns or explosives were. I was sent out again and I was exercising again. I had not seen my Father in Ballykinlar, the next morning the helicopters began to arrive, dogs were put on us, and men were kicked and beaten. We were beaten into helicopters by ordinary British Soldiers.

We were taken to the Belfast Dock and I was put on the Maidstone Prison Ship, I was being signed out of army custody into prison custody, they would not believe my age, they gave me a good shake before an RUC man confirmed my age, I got a good shaking for nothing.

We were treated to the normal degrading prison stuff, naked, degrading, I was a country boy being taken in on the Maidstone Prison Ship, there were 120 of us on the Maidstone, the older men had been in jail before, and they were not bothered. There was a Sticky and Provo battle about who would be in control. A Derry man was appointed commander. It was a very warm summer, the heat, the dormitory was deadly hot, we ran about in trousers, all the Newry men were there, and so I talked to everybody, Jimmy Savage looked after me like a son.

My Father was not on the Maidstone, I did not know where he was, Crumlin Road Jail had been mentioned, Jimmy Savage was good to me, we got visits for which we had to walk along a gang-plank to a wee hut, my Mother and sisters would visit once per month, and we were allowed one letter per month. I got used to prison life; Jimmy Savage had been in during the IRA campaign in 1957-62 so I am indebted to Jimmy.

I was then moved to Long Kesh in November, I was in Cage 1 and then Cage 2 opened, they were moving men from Crumlin Road Jail, the first time I seen my Father his hair had went from grey to pure white, he looked bad, I did not know what had happened to him.

I had to shout from Cage 1 to my Father in Cage 2, we made scrumpy (alcohol) in the Cage, it was not great, it would not do much for you, we began making handkerchiefs and handcraft, Jimmy had me building things out of matches.

On the 11th of October 1971, the Brits sent in dinner to Cage 2, the grub was bad, I am not sure if the army was cooking it, or ordinary convicts, it was rough, beef burgers, we lost the head, tempers got out of hand, Frank McGarry lost the head. The screws ran out of the Cage and we burned the canteen, 500/600 Brits started firing gas in to the Cage, they saturated the place with gas, everyone hit the ground, the Brits came in with pick axe handles and other tools, they just beat everyone, 40 men were carried out unconscious, Frank McGlade 71 carried out unconscious, they got the tools from the other Cage that was still being built, it was a rough night.

I was moved to Cage 5, and Cage 3 closed, my Father moved to Cage 5 with me, visits and all continued, we were now official internees, we were allowed 4 letters per week, visit per week, my Father and I took joint visits with my Mother and sisters, my Father was pretty upset.

There was twenty-seven of us in Cage 5 the crack was good, Paddy O’Hagan, and Jimmy Fields from Armagh were great men for the stories. One night I was on the top bunk and my Father was on the bottom bunk, and my Father was crying, I did not know what was wrong with him. I did not know what to say, you don’t see your Father crying. He told me about after the 9th August and how he had been tortured, he had been subject to beatings, dropped from helicopters, strange noises that distorted his balance and senses, he was in a bad way. Jimmy Savage, and others got up, next morning my Father went to hospital. I would see him in the hospital as I went back and forward, I would have a wee talk with him, he could not handle the Cage, he wasn’t coming back to the Cages, it was rough on the men. He had a nervous breakdown, I know that now, but at the time I did not know what was happening.

He went to hospital and I stayed with Jimmy, I got involved in a few escapes, digging tunnels and wire cuttings, one day I was coming back from a visit and I was told that my Father was being released in 1972. I had a lot of friends in Long Kesh, there were a lot of people in, 600 in at that time. Jimmy was moved to another Cage, I was on my own, but I was getting on ok, we marched and had training, trying to be a soldier, or at least that is what I thought. Time moved on 1973-74 I was still in, now there were 1400 men in, I meet a lot of them, then the numbers were down to 300, there were release plans on, a lot of excitement and lists of names would be read out by screws, we would gather and they might call 6 names and six got out.

Gerry Cunningham and Gerry Fitzpatrick from Belfast, good men, started making poteen with me, my Father and Grandfather (Paddy Frank McKenna) had made poteen in Monaghan and Newry, we had many great nights drinking poteen in Long Kesh, we had an old record player on, or someone would sing. This was jail life and it was hard, I was young and I got on well with everyone, I made the poteen out of apples, bananas, plums, Gerry Cunningham made the worm, a rare looking worn, more bends than a dogs hind legs, we even smuggled out a wee bottle to our people outside.

In February 1975 they began releasing more names, it was said that the last of the 9th of August men were to be released, there were only a few of us left, Art McAlinden and so forth, they called out my name, for 3 years and 8 months I had been interned, I was delighted to be out, my good friend began crying when I was getting out, he was young, I just left as quick as I could, Cage 8, I felt bad that he was on his own, but I had to go.

I returned to O’Neil Avenue in Newry there was a great welcome, everyone was behind us, I knew what I was going to do, I had a few drinks, a party, things were brave and good, all my friends had not reported back to the IRA and so I did not want to know them, Eamon Murphy had reported back to the IRA and so I spoke to him.

He said there was only one man to see in Newry, he had been on the run the same as myself Hitchy Hillen, a hard man, tuff man, I went up to Barcroft, he had heard of me, we meet in Mrs Connolly’s house, another famous house around Newry. I told Hitchy that I wanted action and he said no problem, but he had nothing, so I went back and got two guns, two browning high power weapons, 13 rounds, they were Belgium guns, good guns, British army corporals and captains were using them at that time. Hitchy and I went with the guns and we hit a ten man British Army foot patrol in Hill Street, it worked out alright, but Hitchy’s gun jammed, I got one shot into a Brit and he went down, his flack-jacket protected him, I had about 8 rounds left, I started shooting in the air or else the other soldiers would have come out after us. We got to the car and got away, the police were furious, we had frightened the life out of them, we had no hoods on us, we just wanted a bit of agro, we did not care, they did not expect to get hit in that area of town.

I was on the run as everyone knew who done it, I was made OC in Newry and Hitchy was my right hand man and I ran Newry for the next year, the police and the army were going crazy to get us, we knew that they had someone who was setting us up but we kept shooting our way out. We had talked in prison, drinking poteen and so forth, jail is not human, I was not going back and the police and the army knew that.

We caught the boy who had set us up, he got away, and the police were not happy as they had no one to set us up, we could stay in houses in any estate in Newry even the old nationalist party and labour party would let us in when we were in trouble. Those were hairy times around Newry, we had regular shoot outs with the Brits, Hitchy had been in jail in the south and he was not going back either.

We had a few drinks in the Border Bar one evening, I was driving, we came down the Brownish, and we ran into a British checkpoint, I rammed them with the car, I got around the first Saracen, but the car crashed, I gave them a bogus name and I said I needed to go to the toilet. They let me go to the hedge to go to the toilet, I just went through the hedge, the Brits opened fire on me with a browning off the top of the Saracen, Hitchy and the others thought I was dead; the helicopters were up, I ran to the custom clearance post. I stayed in the field, they thought I was heading for the border, but I doubled back to a safe house in Newry. Hitchy and the people who were with him appeared in court charged with attempted murder, membership and so forth, so Hitchy was gone, and I had no-one, from 1975 in Newry Hitchy was the only man in Newry who would do anything, there were plenty in Newry drinking and talking, but they would not do anything, a few would help you out, but they would not get into the heavy agro.

I ended up joining a unit in South Armagh, I was going to give up OC in Newry, Peter Cleary was in my unit in south Armagh he is dead now, I enjoyed working with Peter Cleary and the lads. I had a girlfriend at that time, Marian McNeil, we were engaged, I was too wild to get married, she was a good girl and we were happy, her people were good people and we got on well.

Christmas passed and the sectarian trouble started in south Armagh, 10 Protestants were shot dead on their way home from work, I agreed with it, to bring the thing to a head, it would sort it out, in February the 10 Protestants were shot dead, in March I had nowhere to stay so I went back to my Father’s house in Edentubber , the man who owned the house (Watters) had been killed with three others when the bomb they were preparing went off accidentally, so the people in the area seen me and my Father carrying the line on for the IRA. My Father had died in the house in Edentubber in 1975 as a result of the torture he had been subjected to by the British.

That night I had no gun as I had sent the two guns into Newry that morning, so all I had was the sawn off shotgun beside the bed, I had a loaf of bread and pint of milk, but I had no money. At about 4am the door was kicked in and two fellas who were armed with browning high powered weapons with torches on top were standing over me, they said, where is the gun, I said, I have no gun. It took them two minutes to get in and I would have got them if I had a gun. When we went outside, there was another guy outside the window with a Sterling sub-machine gun with a double magazine. He would have got me if I had moved towards the door, I might have been better if he did kill me, it would have saved a lot of hassle over the next 15 years.

They took me out of the bed and searched me, they were going crazy for the gun, they knew I was crazy about guns, there was stuff in the house, the big guy with blonde hair, he was about 5-11, said, you have two choices come with us without hassle or trouble, or I will shoot you here and your death will be claimed by UVF in retaliation for the 10 Protestants shot in south Armagh. I thought about my Mother and I was getting married, those are the two people who saved me, I did not want to go to Newry, but I done it for them.

I did not want to tell them anything. I said ok I will go with you, we walked down the fields and across the Flurry River, we jumped across the river, they kept the guns on me, the big fella said we will cut you down, any chance I miss you the man with the sterling will cut you down, half-a-mile across the border, he put his arm around my shoulder, he said I know what you are thinking, don’t do it, I don’t want to kill you. When we got to Killeen there were other British Soldiers there, they were in uniform, the three who took me were not in uniform, the three got into uniform and changed their guns, a blue Volkswagen van came up the road, and they took me in the van, I had a smoke in the back of the van, the SAS treated me ok. In Bessbroke soldiers and their wives were all coming in and looking at me, it was embarrassing to see all these people and top brass looking at me. Every two minutes the door would open and a guy with a row of medals would look in.

I was moved to Newry where RUC detectives Bradley and McCann were to interview me, two bastards, they were angry at what I had done around Newry and the border, the beatings started; I did not want to talk. They produced the file with the 1971 stuff, bombs and shootings. I did not care, I was reluctant and cool. At 10 O’Clock that night the Blonde soldier came in and put his arm around my neck and said, Sean I don’t want to kill you, if you don’t talk we will take you out and you will be found on the border, me and this fella will take you out and kill you and the UVF will claim it.

They wanted me for murder, but I was not going to sign for a murder I did not do. I was taken to Newcastle Court in March 1976 and back to Crumlin Road Jail, I meet Hitchy, it was bad in there, IRA bad boys running the show, and they were beating young fellas who had made statements, I did not agree with that, they are bloody animals. I had a name and no fear, and I let them know it, that was the way it was. Hitchy was sentenced to 25 years for the attempted murder on Hill Street, my case came up, I was fighting my case, Judge Babbington, a police judge, a rotten bastard. I heard later that the blonde solider was Captain Niarac, he later shot Peter Cleary dead, Peter was a good man, but he was a tuff man, and he would not have went with them. Niarac also killed John Frances Green in Monaghan.

The case was put back as the SAS could not turn up as they had to come from England. All the SAS were in civilian clothes, I recognised the blonde solider, I don’t know if it was Niarac as I have never seen a picture of Niarac. I have heard all the things that Niarac is supposed to have done, I don’t think Niarac shot Peter Cleary, because when I was on the side of the road the blonde fella put a young solider on me and ‘Niarac’ told him that if I moved a finger he was to shoot me dead. All I know is that ‘Niarac’ for some reason did not want to kill me.

Judge Babbington was the top man, the SAS made fools of themselves, they lied through their teeth, no problem, Babbington, said he was not there to determine where I was lifted, he said I would have to go to European Court for that, State Prosecutor, told the court what I had been doing, that I had been in jail for a long time, and the problem they had getting me.

Judge Babbington asked for an adjournment, he was going to Corfu, he would take the papers with him and come back. When Babbington returned from his holidays, I was in the court on my own, the solicitor never even turned up, he said 25 years, it wrecked me, he looked out over his glasses and sneered, nobody turned up, a lonely minute.

H Blocks Long Kesh

I was moved to the H-Blocks, Ciaran Nugent was on the blanket, April 1977 I was sentenced, I went to H4 first, we were in our civilian clothes, stripped naked, I told the screws I was going on the blanket, we were put naked into a van and they drove us to the H-Block, we walked naked across the yard, they took all our particulars again, usual routine, into a cell.

I was in a cell on my own, big screw, Paddy Joe Kerr, a Catholic Prison officer, he came in and beat me, what’s your prison number, I refused, and there was an air of hostility, Catholic screws worse than Protestants, Paddy Joe Kerr went out of his way to prove they were not afraid of the Provos.

I was there a couple of weeks and then moved to H5 where I became OC as I had a lot of experience in jail. I was disillusioned with the jail experience, I knew I would be on the ultimate end if I stayed OC, I could get on the hunger strike when it came. PO was not too bad, but beatings went on, the doors would open, that was the way it was, sitting at 5 or 6 in the evening, we would shout keys, they would open the door and someone getting the life beaten out of them. I never got a beating as OC and I was OC for 4 years, maybe it was respect. Hard when you hear an 18 year old lad getting beaten naked in the cell, big men beating a young lad, all they could do was go on the ground in  a ball while getting the life beaten out of them.

The PO was from Lurgan, a Christian, but boys under his control, sometimes with drink taken would do beatings. H5 I was OC, one of my closest friends would have been Tom McFeeley, he was on the Staff (Adjacent) both of us had been in before, he was a tough man. I have meet thousands of men but McFeeley was miles out in front of everyone for toughness, the screws were afraid of him, they had respect for McFeeley, they beat him and he beat them, police and everyone.

A year after I joined the blanket, we were still locked in the cell 24 hours per day, never got out except to go to mass on Sunday morning. The boys would just talk at mass, however, some of the lads wanted to hear the mass, so we had to call order. It was hateful, but we had to keep order, when you are with a fellow 24 hours a day, toilet, no tv, radio, cigarettes, conversation runs out after a month, lads would beat each other, and get friendly again, that is the way it was. Another thing that happened on the blanket we would have concerts, I never liked singing but I would sing a song.

In 1978 there was no movement, 3 H-Blocks, 600 men, the Brits were going nowhere, we knew there was marches but we did not know what was going on, so we went on the dirty protest, they hate to see you grow a beard in prison they would beat the hell out of you. We would stop washing, and put the shit on the wall, the embarrassment walking up the landing with a poo in a pot, so we put it on the wall once we went on the dirty protest. The cells were stinking, we were stinking, it was inhuman, but we had no choice. It was a grotesque place, shit on the wall and urine on the floor, beyond description, that men could endure it for years was beyond comprehension.

We had a Visit every month, by 1979-80 we had not washed in 4 years, your Sister or Mother would visit you and you were stinking and yet they would still throw their arms around you, they still loved you, which was hard to believe, that they loved you when you did not love yourself, walking through shit and probably eating it because your hands were that dirty, lots of fighting and beatings, screws beating young lads, kicking young lads on the ground with their big boots.

The hunger strike came as we knew it would, we forced it, we had Cardinals and Bishops in but the Brits were not moving, we were beat out on the blanket, lads getting beating 3 and 4 times per day, the hunger strike was the final way. I did not want to live anymore after 4 years on the blanket, I wanted to die, I was one of the more experienced men there and when the time came to fight I could do that. I wanted to get something for the young lads, Brendan Hughes was OC on all the blocks and he said that, I was not going on the hunger strike

He did not pick my name on first count – I sent word to hold back H3 until he got a letter from me.  I knew why I was not getting picked, I had been scalded when I was a child and had a bad scare and he thought I had been shot, and that I might not last long on hunger strike, but I told him what had happened and the word came back that I was on the hunger strike.

Hunger Strike 1980

We knew the hunger strike would start, we were prepared to die. The 7 names were announced as there were 7 signatories on the 1916 Proclamation; we thought this might capture people’s imagination and stir emotions.

The group consisted of IRA members Brendan Hughes, Tommy McKearney, Raymond McCartney, Tom McFeeley, Leo Green, INLA member John Nixon and I.

I was in the cell with Tommy Kelly, Turf Lodge, great fella we got on well he eat his dinner, I walked up and down the cell and my dinner was sitting at the door, it went on, we did not eat at all, after about three weeks we were still in the cell, but they did not move us, we thought they would take us to hospital, governors came in and said we were refusing to eat prison food so we would lose remission, for every month we were on the blanket we were losing a month remission, 3rd week we were taken to H3 hospital wing. Ordinary prisoners looked on us as if we were contaminated, nobody would touch us, Provos that did not go on the blanket/dirty protest respected us, but they simply could not do it.

The first thing we done in the hospital wing was take a shower.

I was on hunger strike for 53 days, Fr Murphy was giving me the last rites, that was the last I remember, I was lying in bed and I felt I was floating out of my body, this guy came in with a white beard, I was given electric shock, the next thing I remember, I was in a bed in the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast, the hunger strike was over.  I woke up a couple of days later, a nurse sitting beside me, she asked me my name I could not remember my name, she told me John Lennon was dead, I was sad as I liked John Lennon, I was moved back to the blocks within a couple of days I was in a wheel chair, some thought the hunger strike should not have been called off and I agreed, some thought it should have been called off, there was a good deal of talk. We had been told that the NIO had offered concessions and that is why it was called off. Brendan Hughes had called off the hunger strike because he believed there was a deal.

McFeely and I said it should not have been called off, Brendan Hughes had been talking to NIO Officials and he believed they could work from there. I was in hospital; I was there on my own, watching TV and looking at books. My eyes were really bad, I needed a good light and I could read one line at a time, I was getting vitamin injections, they were very sore, every morning I would get the injections. The injections would help sort my eyes out; eventually I was able to get out of the wheelchair.

I was in bed one day and the doctor came in to see me, grey hair, he told me that I had effectively died and they used electric shock to bring my heart back, he said I had a near death experience. I was happy enough, good to be alive, I suppose. Rumours of a second hunger strike began to do the rounds; I told Bobby Sands that if there was to be a second hunger strike I wanted to be on it. Bobby said he did not want me to die, he knew that I would not last long on a second hunger strike, but I would rather have died than send some of the other lads to their death. That evening they sent me back to the H-Blocks because I wanted to go on the second hunger strike, everyone was hunger strike crazy. Brendan Hughes was right; it was not worth one man’s life.

According to Brendan the NIO had passed the British concessions to the Long Kesh Governors and the POA refused to implement the concessions and that is why the second hunger strike began. The POA caused or at least created the conditions for the second hunger strike.

The 7 of us who had been on the first hunger strike wrote and signed a letter and sent it to the IRA’s Belfast Brigade telling them that we did not support a second hunger strike as it was tantamount to suicide, nobody acknowledged our letter, and so we had no choice but to offer our support to the lads going on the second hunger strike.

It was a horrible time, I knew exactly what Bobby was going through, I knew the pains, the aches, the doubts, I wished Brendan Hughes had allowed me to die; I did not want our men going through this horrible death.

We were delighted when Bobby was elected as MP for Fermanagh/South Tyrone, we thought it might save him, history would have told us different. The blocks were bad, death hung in the air, my close friend Raymond McCreesh died, the Irish Commission for Peace and Justice were told that 4.5 demands were on offer from the British, but the leadership ignored this and another 6 men died without good cause, they could have been saved.

Bobby Sands Elected MP

The election of Bobby Sands raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Margaret Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated “We are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime is crime is crime, it is not political”. The world’s media descended on Belfast, and several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end to the hunger strike, including Síle de Valera, Granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, Pope John Paul II’s personal envoy John Magee, and European Commission of Human Rights officials. With Sands close to death, the British Government’s position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating “If Mr. Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide that was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him”. Bobby Sands died on the 5th Day of May 1981 after 66 Days on Hunger Strike.

Hunger Strike Ends

Then the hunger strike was called off, the British had given us nothing, not an inch, it was Father Faul from Dungannon who secured an end to the hunger strike, if he had not ended the hunger strike another 20 men would have died and we would still have got nothing.

I was not happy with a good deal that went on behind the scenes, Bik McFarland on the orders of the Belfast Brigade staff had forced the hunger strikers to sign affidavits in front of solicitors so that when they fell into a coma their parents or families could not take them off the hunger strike, I felt this was wrong, that is not what republicanism is about, it is not what I am about, totally out of order, wrong.

I was in H-Block 4 (H4) the Belfast Brigade leadership and the leadership inside the Kesh had got carried away with the propaganda, they never had propaganda like it. It was called off and we had nothing, we had our own clothes and we shaved, that was it, nothing and ten men dead.

Sean McKenna Autobiography Ends…

Peadar Whelan, who remains within the ranks of Sinn Fein in 2013 reflects the feelings of those men who had lived through the hunger strike period in Long Kesh.

“My resentment…,” writes Peadar Whelan recalling the end of the second hunger strike in ‘Nor Meekly Serve My Tim’’, “was as great as my relief.”

Peadar mirrors the response of many Republican prisoners at that time. “Despite my relief that no one else would die I still felt gutted because ten men had died and we had not won our demands,’” writes Peadar. “My morale was never as low.” Peadar was released on licence from a life sentence in 1992 and would become northern Editor of An Phoblacht.

Garda Collusion Fact or Fiction

Garda Collusion: Fact or Fiction

It is well documented and accepted by The Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Leadership, that I joined Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan Town in 1980 when I was 16-years-old. In the picture below I am carrying a symbolic coffin, front left, in Cavan Town 1981, to commemorate the death of Hunger-striker Kieran Doherty, I had travelled to Cavan Town on this day in 1981 with Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin.

In 1980, there was from my simple observations, a crisis within An Garda Siochana, on one hand, An Garda Siochana were being told to Police Sinn Fein/PIRA as they would any other Criminal Gang, yet, The Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister) Jack Lynch was preventing An Garda Siochana investigating crimes such as Narrow Water in which nineteen British Soldiers were murdered by Sinn Fein/PIRA under the Command of Martin McGuinness.

Monaghan Town had a significant Sinn Fein/PIRA presence from 1969, and yet the number of Gardai to police them was small in comparison. An Garda Siochana was poorly resourced and poorly equipped. The Garda Station in Monaghan Town in 1980 was not fit for purpose and was reminiscent of something from the 1800s.

In response to this lack of resourcing and a general lack of direction and leadership, the Garda ‘Heavy Gang’ became dominant, many ‘suspects’ were badly beaten and forced to sign false confessions. This was best highlighted in the case of the Sallins Train Robbery, when innocent men admitted to a crime that they had no part in.

While Rule 8 of the Provisional IRA Constitution forbids members of Sinn Fein/PIRA from carrying out attacks on An Garda Siochana and The Irish Army, there were numerous attacks including murder directed at An Garda Siochana and the Irish Army.

Hatred of An Garda Siochana and the Irish Army was instilled by Sinn Fein/PIRA at training camps, and cult music played by the Wolfe Tones, such as ‘Take it down from the mast Freestate Traitors’ meant that if a Sinn Fein/PIRA member had the choice of going to prison or shooting a Garda or Irish Soldier, they did not hesitate to open fire.

In 1998, I was asked by several journalists if I had been aware of Collusion between members of An Garda Siochana and Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA, in order to place such collusion in context, I explained that such collusion involved small numbers of Gardai.

When I made these disclosures about my knowledge of collusion to such journalists as Toby Harden for his book Bandit Country and Barrie Penrose, I was immediately attacked by corrupt politicians in The Republic such as John O’Donoghue TD, who was Minister for Justice at that time.

Since my disclosures in 1998 about collusion, my assertions have been vindicated by the findings of both The Morris Tribunal into Garda Corruption and The Smithwick Tribunal into Garda Collusion.

The Smithwick Tribunal was established in 2005 to investigate suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20 March, 1989. The sole member of the tribunal was His Honour Judge Peter Smithwick. 

The Morris Tribunal was set up in April 2002 to investigate complaints concerning some Gardaí of the Donegal Division. The Honourable Mr. Justice Frederick Morris, a former President of the High Court, was appointed to be the sole member of the tribunal. 

Across the frontier with Northern Ireland, Sinn Fein/PIRA were making vast amounts of money from smuggling and other criminality, some Gardai were bought, some were compromised and some were willing accomplices.

In Monaghan Town, there was always a core of Gardai who were relentless in their pursuit of Sinn Fein/PIRA, these Gardai often viewed through the lens of John McCoy and Colm Brown. These were tough no nonsense Gardai, and they pursued Sinn Fein/PIRA no matter what any vote seeking, terrorist appeasing politician had to say.

Some collusion has not been fully exposed, I first seen Garda Intel files in the hands of PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna in 1990 when I returned from Active Service in London. I later learned that those files had come from Garda Detective Sgt, John White, who would be subject to the Morris Tribunal, however, his collusion with Sinn Fein/PIRA was not addressed and probably was not known to the Morris Tribunal.

Garda Inspector, Joseph Sullivan, also colluded with Sinn Fein/PIRA, and while this was widely known, Justice Minister, John O’Donoghue TD signed off on Joseph Sullivan being promoted to Garda Supt, it was not unusual for the corrupt to be rewarded with promotion, see, Morris Tribunal.

Conclusion

There was collusion between members of An Garda Siochana and Sinn Fein/PIRA, the numbers involved were small and much of that collusion is now known thanks to the work of The Morris and Smithwick Tribunals.

The Conspiracy against Garda Sgt Maurice McCabe is also worth viewing in this context, as it highlights the extent to which some of the most senior Gardai, including The Commissioner, were prepared to go to cover-up rather than address corruption within the ranks.

Without the work of An Garda Siochana and the Irish Army across the frontier with Northern Ireland, the numbers murdered would have been much greater, every day, Gardai and Irish Army placed their live son the line to protect their neighbours in Northern Ireland, that sacrifice must never be forgotten.

Friday, August 6, 2021

Amnesty, British Prime Minister, Sinn Fein, Provisional IRA

The Prime Minister

Mr Boris Johnston MP

10 Downing Street

London

SW1A 2AA

United Kingdom

6th August 2021

Ref: Proposed Amnesty for Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists

Dear Prime Minister

I assume you are aware that The Provisional IRA Army Council remains fully operational, if you are not, you might inquire with MI6 who have an Interlocutor who acts as a link between The Provisional IRA Army Council and MI6.

It is this Interlocutor who has been quietly lobbying your officials, to secure an Amnesty for Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists. While using fake concern for the welfare of British Soldiers as a smoke screen to do a monstrous deal with Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists.

Sinn Fein/PIRA have informed their MI6 contacts that they (Sinn Fein/PIRA) will be ‘Friends’ to The UK ‘when’ they (Sinn Fein/PIRA) secure a place in Government in The Irish Republic.

While one could certainly see the temptation to facilitate Sinn Fein/PIRA’s demand for an Amnesty, in return for ‘Friendship’ in the EU, the reality is, that Sinn Fein/PIRA have made many promises to many groups, including sworn enemies of the UK.

It is this latter relationship with sworn enemies of the UK that seen Sinn Fein/PIRA collude with their Proxies to try and bomb an American Plane at Shannon Airport in Ireland, long after Sinn Fein/PIRA had begun to share power in Northern Ireland with The DUP.

The British Government has gone to extraordinary lengths to facilitate the constant demands from Sinn Fein/PIRA Criminals; however, it may now be time for the British Government to ask what you have got in return to that facilitation.

In 2011, Senior members of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA were involved in a plot to Murder Queen Elizabeth inDublin, the Garda Commissioner made this information public in 2014. The Murder of Queen Elizabeth was only averted by good fortune.

I am one of several thousand children raped by members of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA from 1969 to 2021 and counting. Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA had/and have structures and processes in place to move Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Paedophiles and Rapists across borders, including into England, Scotland and Wales.

As a child I was Raped by a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA and then Silenced by a Kangaroo Court Chaired by J.B. O’Hagan and other senior SF/PIRA members attended.

Under your proposed Amnesty, will I and other Rape victims be able to pursue both the Sinn Fein/PIRA Rapists, those Sinn Fein/PIRA who presided over the Kangaroo Courts and the Leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA, including Gerry Adams, who protected and facilitated the Rapists while Silencing the victims?

In 2014, Gerry Adams, while under political pressure, handed over the names of 27 Sinn Fein/PIRA Rapists who had been protected by the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership, these 27 are only a small portion of the Sinn Fein/PIRA Rapists protected.

Yours Sincerely

Vincent McKenna BSSc PGDipSSc MSc

Tuesday, July 27, 2021

Vincent McKenna

 Vincent McKenna

This is the Autobiography of Vincent McKenna, this is going to be a work in progress as I set out a clear Chronology of several decades of life, to those who thought they had done me harm, you did not, because you never knew who I was.

McKenna Clan History

The history of the McKenna Clan is well documented at McKennaClan I will confine my McKenna Clan history to the stories and personalities that were brought to my attention when I was a child. My Great-Grandfather always spoke fondly of my Great Great Aunt, Kathleen McKenna, who was Private Secretary to Sinn Fein, Leader, Arthur Griffith in 1921, Kathleen travelled to London with Arthur Griffith to negotiate the Treaty.

Kathleen would later work in the Propaganda Department in Dail Eireann. Kathleen also wrote and had published her memoir. I was particularly fond of the stories told to me by my Great-Grandfather about Kathleen.

By the mid-19th century, and Griffith's 'Primary Valuation' of households in Ireland, the name McKenna is to be found mostly in counties Monaghan 758, Tyrone 366, Derry 215, Louth 128 and Armagh 123. The total McKenna households were 2,192. In the 21st Century, The McKenna Clan is spread across the world and in Ireland alone numbers in the many thousands.

My cousin, Provisional IRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna would tell me when I was a child and later, about our Forefather, Neil McKenna, who in 1641, lead a campaign of Ethnic Cleansing, against the Protestant people of the Northern Counties of Ireland, Neil and his Clan’s men slaughtered over 2,000 Protestants and drove thousands more from their homes. 

Kevin McKenna wished to replicate the campaign of Ethnic Cleansing that had been led by Neil in 1641. Official sanction for a policy of Ethnic Cleansing was granted by the Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Army Council in 1986.

My Grandfather’s favourite ancestor was Brigadier Juan MacKenna (26 October 1771 – 21 November 1814) was an Irish-born, Chilean military officer and hero of the Chilean War of Independence. My Grandfather spoke of Juan's life as a great adventure.

Early Years

In the 1960s, I would as a small child travel with my Father, Grandfather and Great-grandfather to my Uncle Sean’s house in O’Neil Avenue in Newry. My Uncle Sean and his family had moved to Newry from Clara in north Monaghan in the 1950s and my Uncle Sean would be involved in organising Sinn Fein/IRA in County Down for the 1957-62 failed IRA border campaign.

When I travelled to Newry as a child these were social visits, my Father, Uncle Sean, Grandfather and Great-grandfather would go to the local pub for a drink and then we would return to Aughnacloy. In the 1960s travel was not as it is in the 21st Century, a journey to Newry was a big outing and would only happen periodically due to the cost of petrol and so forth.

In 1969, my Father had borrowed his boss’s car, a Hillman Minx, and we travelled to Newry for the usual get together. However, 1969 was different, there was violence on the streets, and journeys at night were just eerie. When driving along the road men in uniform, with blackened faces and guns would simply step out onto the road and wave the car to a stop. It was normally the British army from 1969, but not always, as I would discover at my Uncle Sean’s funeral in 1975.

When we arrived at Uncle Sean’s house in Newry in 1969, Uncle Sean told my Father, Grandfather and Great-grandfather to go on to the pub and he would join them later, I would stay in Sean’s house.

I was in the kitchen eating a bun and drinking a glass of milk given to me by Aunt Bridget, Uncle Sean and other men were at the Kitchen table, Sean’s pearl handled revolver sat uncomfortably beside the teapot that was quenching the thirst of the IRA men gathered and a man called Ian Paisley on the black and white TV was shouting so loud that he was drowning out the seditious talk at the table.

Margaret Thatcher A Plan to Murder 1989

When I was a child, Kevin McKenna who was much older than I, would cycle into our small town and give me a lift on the cross-bar of his bike to my Grandparents house. Kevin McKenna was simply known to me as a cousin and he would in later years become a notorious sectarian serial killer.

Kevin McKenna speaking Carrickmore early 1970s

In 1989, Provisional IRA, Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, who was based in Monaghan, was under extreme pressure, the SAS were wiping out units under his command with regularity, serious questions were being asked about his ability to continue to hold his position as Chief of Staff.

Kevin McKenna needed a spectacular to put him back on the map, McKenna knew only too well that Martin McGuinness wanted his old job as Chief of Staff back. McGuinness was an MI6 Agent, a puppet, rather than a caricature of James Bond, and his bosses were unhappy that the position of Chief of Staff remained outside of their reach.

Martin McGuinness's handler, MI6 Officer, Michael Oatley
In 1989, I was viewed as extremely trustworthy within Kevin McKenna’s tight circle, this trust came from a decade of service to Sinn Fein/PIRA, a significant attempt by the RUC to recruit me in 1988, and the discovery by the PIRA that the Gardai were paying a lad to watch my house. All of the above, in the eyes of the PIRA, added up to someone who had not been compromised.
Christmas Card from Provisional IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh, most senior PIRA killed by the British.

In 1989, the PIRA in Monaghan had literally died the death, following Loughgall very few were putting themselves forward for active service. Michael ‘Pete’ Ryan and a handful of others were murdering a few Protestants along the border, but beyond that it was all very hit and miss.

I was once asked to describe Kevin McKenna’s leadership at this time, and I said, he was like a small child standing in the middle of a frozen lake, that lake covered in thin ice. If McKenna, the small child, moved even one step in the wrong direction, the ice would crack and break open and consume him.

Targeting Thatcher 1989

In 1989, I was extremely busy, I was in the running club, I was working full-time in Monaghan Mushrooms and a host of other activities. Kevin McKenna approached me, Kevin asked me if I would be prepared to go to London on active service. I was surprised by Kevin’s request, as the dogs on the street knew that the PIRA were finished. However, I kept my thoughts to myself.

Kevin McKenna told me to take some time to think about his request and get back to him. I knew that if I did not take up the request, then someone else would probably be sent to England. I went back to Kevin and told him I would go. Kevin McKenna explained what he wanted me to do, he wanted me to target British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher.

Interestingly, State Papers released in 2020, show that Gerry Adams warned John Hume that the PIRA might murder Thatcher. Adams surely knew that Hume would pass this information onto his contacts in both the British and Irish Governments.

Gerry Adams with Provisional IRA, Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna.

“In relation to the Gow death, Adams rather oddly said that he was worried that ‘they will kill Thatcher’,” Hume told Gallagher, according to the Memo, just released into the National Archives under the 30-year rule in 2020. State Papers 2020

I find this action by Adams in 1990 quite extraordinary as it clearly placed the lives of PIRA Volunteers at risk, particularly as the SAS were wiping out PIRA Units with regularity. Interestingly, it was Gerry Adams who had sanctioned the plan to Murder Mrs Thatcher at Brighton in 1984 and Adams had personally travelled to Monaghan Town to have the plan ratified by PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna.

Brighton Bomb 1984

In the summer of 1984, I was Managing the Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Advice Centre and Shop at 21 Dublin Street, Monaghan Town, this can be confirmed with any member of An Garda Siochana who was serving in Monaghan at that time. The European Elections were due to be held on the 14 June, 1984 and we were running Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin.

In early June, 1984, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin told me that three senior members of Provisional IRA Northern Command, including Gerry Adams would be arriving later that day. I ensured the place was clean and tidy, that chairs were arranged upstairs and that there was tea/coffee, milk and digestive biscuits.

When Gerry Adams arrived his two colleagues were wearing black leather jackets, all a bit urban I thought, I was introduced to Gerry Adams by Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin and I then positioned myself downstairs at the front door to alert the meeting upstairs if there was any Garda activity on Dublin Street.

The Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Office at 21 Dublin Street is very small, it was initially a small domestic dwelling. There was one room upstairs that was positioned exactly above the one room shop downstairs. There was a small staircase that led upstairs and every word spoken upstairs echoed downstairs. The only time I could not fully understand what was being said upstairs was when Gerry Adams and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin spoke Irish, although I had a good idea what they were saying, as I was attending Irish Classes at that time.

While Gerry Adams and his two comrades used the cover of the European Elections for their visit to Monaghan and they had some interest in the elections. Gerry Adams had arrived to personally advice Provisional IRA, Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, that the Conservative Party Conference was going to be targeted later in 1984, in the hope of killing British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. The British Security Services were on high alert for the conference, however, as the plastic explosive was wrapped in cling-film, which was normal, the sniffer dogs did not detect the bomb.

Gerry Adams and Provisional IRA Northern Command had an obligation to notify both The Chief of Staff and Southern Command of any planned activity in England as such activity fell under the Jurisdiction of Southern Command. The bomb exploded at Brighton, 12 October, 1984, at the Grand Brighton Hotel. Patrick McGee would later be convicted of the bombing as he had left his finger-print while staying in the hotel under a pseudonym, Roy Walsh, in September, 1984. 

Kevin McKenna was desperate to up stage Martin McGuinness, he had not trusted McGuinness from at least 1986, when McGuinness was arrested after leaving Kevin’s house in Smithborough, County Monaghan, but released a short time later. It would later transpire that MI6 Officer; Michael Oatley had sought McGuinness’s release in 1986. Kevin McKenna had Gardai reporting to him, but I have no idea if he knew about MI6 intervention at that point.

Kevin McKenna, believed that if he could succeed where Adams and McGuinness had failed, the failed murder attempt on Thatcher in 1984 at Brighton, then McKenna would remain unchallenged as Chief of Staff.

Targeting Mrs Thatcher

Kevin McKenna wanted me to go to London, find work, keep my head down and establish a means by which Thatcher could be targeted. I was also to look at other potential targets such as the Channel Tunnel that was under construction at that time, House of Commons and so forth, but my key focus was to be Thatcher.

I was to spend as long as it took to put together a plan that had a realistic chance of success. I arrived in London, having told my wife I was simply going to seek work on the Channel Tunnel that was well paid, this was not an easy decision, but I had a job to do.

I arrived in London in 1989, I secured work in Kingston Upon Thames on the construction of the new John Lewis department store. I initially lived on a light-weight fibre-glass house boat on the Thames close to the site on which I was working. I piloted the boat into central London on three occasions, I wanted to get up close pictures of The House of Commons, and to establish if there were any storm drains or sewer pipes coming from the House of Commons into the Thames, pipes into which a high-explosive bomb or mortar might be placed.

On my first scouting mission into central London with the boat, I thought I was being pursued by the River Police when they came up behind me with siren blazing and blue light flashing, however, they went straight past me as a Disco Boat called the Marchioness had been sunk by a dredger and 51 people had been killed. The Marchioness had taken only thirty-seconds to sink.

The summer of 1989 was a scorcher, and in normal circumstances this was a very beautiful part of the world, however, my task was to plan murder.

The boat, orange and white, that I lived on belonged to the main building contractors Mowlam's, it can be seen here harbored beside the John Lewis site.

John Lewis Department Store, Kingston Upon Thames, London
On the building site I worked as a labourer under my own name, although most simply called me Paddy, which I had no problem with, most Irish were called Paddy by non-Irish. The two main foremen were from Glasgow and so we got on well together, they were called 'Jock', they placed me with an English man and his two sons, all three of them were brick-layers. I would labour to them and if there was some block work to be done, I would lay some blocks.

I got on very well with Colin and his two sons, we all worked hard, and at lunch time we would have some lunch and a glass of beer at the Cutters Wharf, we could take our lunch out to the picnic tables that sat along the Thames. We talked about work and the site we were working on, this was a new build, but during initial excavation, an eight-hundred-year-old Kingston Bridge, dating back to 1150, had been discovered and preserved.

I got to know some of the other people working on what was a very large building site, some of the English brick-layers and labourers were Territorial SAS, which meant they were weekend soldier’s, but it reminded me that I was no so far dispatched from the sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland.

I knew that I would be subject to at least some surveillance by the security services if they were aware of my presence in London, before leaving Ireland I had been arrested under anti-terrorist legislation on many occasions. With this security issue to the fore of my mind I engaged in a number of simple anti-surveillance techniques.

At night I secured work in Burger King, this meant that I could hop on and off buses without drawing too much attention. I also befriended a gay couple who were from Glasgow, they were cleaners at various locations all over London, they had a car and knew London extremely well. One of the premises that they cleaned was British Aerospace, to which I had unfettered access. 

I travelled to the Channel Tunnel once, simply so I could take pictures and have train receipts to prove to Kevin McKenna that I had actually visited the site. The site in Kent was massive, they had effectively built a town at the tunnel entrance.

I simply had to say to Jimmy and John, that I would love to see Downing Street or the Tower of London and they would simply ask when. On evenings that I was not working or scouting into central London, I would enjoy a beer in The Royal Oak Pub. I always expected to be approached by the security services, but they never did.

The British economy was booming in the summer of 1989, sports cars lined the streets and Rolex watches hung off the wrists of quite ordinary people.

On Friday, 22 September, 1989, I arrived early on the building site, my brick-layers wanted to get away early as they were doing a nixer for one of the foremen, I got the bricks set-out and the site prepared for a day’s work. I was working hard with my Brick-layers, we had the radio on and were building large decorative brick flower-beds on the road outside the John Lewis site.

It was a beautiful Friday morning, house boats and pleasure boats were passing by on the Thames, the sun was shining and all appeared well. However, the early morning sun was about to be eclipsed by the breaking news on the radio, a short distance away at Deal in Kent the PIRA had exploded a bomb killing a number of Royal Marine Bandsmen. I could see that my fellow workers, the Englishmen, looked at me almost accusingly, not that they knew anything about me, but simply because I was Irish. There was no Google back then.

PIRA Bombing in Deal in 1989
The news of the bomb in Deal and the carnage and death caused, left me in a precarious position, however, I would simply have to continue as normal. When we returned to work on Monday, 25 September, 1989, the massacre at Deal was old news, we continued to work as normal.

The John Lewis department store was an incredible piece of architecture, a four-lane slip road was constructed straight through the main site, it was simply an incredible fete of engineering. I remember one day a convoy of black cars led by a siren blaring police vehicle went through the tunnel, the sound was electrifying, the convoy was simply carrying Princess Margaret to a local Church service.

By the end of 1989 the British economy was in difficulty, and my reconnaissance work was almost done. I would continue to work on the site into 1990, however, the British economy was going into a deep recession that would last for five quarters and was the deepest UK recession since the Second World War.

While the recession did not impact on my decision to return to Ireland, it was sad to see so many people lose their jobs in a very short period of time. My English brick-layers had plenty of work for me, but I had to leave and we had a farewell drink.

I returned to Ireland in 1990 and gave Kevin McKenna a detailed outlay of my reconnaissance work in London. Kevin McKenna was again impressed by the level of detail that I provided, and he told me to continue to work with another member of East Tyrone PIRA.

Part of a comprehensive Intelligence Report that I presented to Kevin McKenna

When I returned to Ireland in 1990, it was clear that The PIRA was finished, the truth be told, the PIRA were finished after Loughgall. While the PIRA could set bombs of in London and murder people, the question had to be asked, who was in control, it was my view that the security services were controlling a lot of people.

I was lucky to get my job back in Monaghan Mushrooms, where I was promoted to Foreman by Mr Lesley Buckley who would later work with Ireland’s leading businessman, Mr Dennis O’Brien.

Writing to Mrs Thatcher

Having lived in London 1989-90, and seeing the British economy go from boom to bust, I felt that I might write to Thatcher and ask her to reconsider her approach to Northern Ireland. When writing to Thatcher, I was well aware that her tenure as Prime Minister was going to come to an end one way or another very shortly. However, if Thatcher did survive all of her enemies, she would still be a powerful force in relation to British policy relating to Northern Ireland.

Original letter sent to Mrs Thatcher 1990
In 1991, the fatal blow was struck against the PIRA in Monaghan when the SAS shot dead Michael ‘Pete’ Ryan, Laurence McNally and Tony Doris. This unit led by Ryan had been involved in a series of sectarian murders and human bomb attacks and this was the dying throws of the PIRA in Monaghan. Pete Ryan and Laurence McNally had to ask a civilian to drive them to their final destination, that is how desperate The PIRA were in Monaghan.

In 1992, I left Monaghan Town and moved to Armagh City. I was quickly introduced to John Hume and I began to work on what would become known as the ‘peace process’ and the Good Friday Agreement. Kevin McKenna knew about my work with John Hume and he had no issue with the talks between Adams and Hume, however, he simply did not trust Martin McGuinness.

Meeting Mrs Thatcher

In 1999, I was in London to brief MPs on continued Human Rights abuses by Sinn Fein/PIRA. I was invited to meet with a member of the House of Lords, to which I agreed.

As I was walking into the private rooms at the Lords, I meet Mrs Thatcher on the corridor, I was star struck, I was introduced to Mrs Thatcher and she was as I had expected, pleasant but stern. I blurted out that I had written to her in 1990 about Northern Ireland, she said she still had the letter, and that my letter had helped her to reconsider her position in relation to Northern Ireland.

O Maggie©

Verse from Song I wrote in 1981: My cell is icy cold, I am alone, my body it has turned almost to bone, but to the end, I know I must fight, for I know now, I will died before the night…(Tune: Snipers Promise)

Chorus from Song I wrote in 1981: O Maggie, O Maggie, can’t you see, don’t you know, these awful things they don’t have to be, and if you take these H-Blocks cells away, I promise you I will have no more to say (Tune: Snipers Promise)










1998: A Criminal Conspiracy in A Banana Republic, by Vincent McKenna MSc

On the 4th of July 1998, I received a phone call from my cousin Seamus McKenna, in 1998, Seamus McKenna was working within a tight circle of Real IRA and Continuity IRA members who were mainly based in County Louth and to be found socialising in the Emerald Bar in Dundalk owned by Colm Murphy.

Seamus McKenna had extreme loyalty to me, as I took care of his brother, Provisional IRA Hunger-striker,Sean McKenna when Sean was released from Long Kesh. Seamus would often talk about his Father, Sean McKenna Snr who had died as a result of the torture he had been subjected to during Internment.

Seamus always wanted me to know that he was still fighting in order to punish the Brits for what they had done to his Father. Seamus always spoke openly to me about what he was doing.

Seamus told me on the 4th July 1998 that the Real IRA were going to bomb Banbridge and Omagh. I passed over what Seamus said and did not draw too much attention to it, because if Seamus thought I was trying to get information, rather than him giving information, he would simply say “Fuck Off”. I reminded Seamus about a time was I was placed in a cell in Omagh Court House and there was no back wall in the cell as PIRA had blown it up a short time before.

As soon as I finished my phone call with Seamus 4th July 1998, I immediately phoned a Garda Special Branch Officer in Monaghan Town, whom I had known for some years. I told my contact what Seamus had said, and he said he would pass it on and get back to me.

On Monday 6th July 1998, my Garda contact phoned me and asked if I would meet with someone from Dublin who wanted a face to face. It just so happened that I had been invited to a function at Áras an Uachtaráin, the home of The Irish President, Mary McAleese, 11th July 1998. I told my Garda contact that I would meet his contact at Áras an Uachtaráin on the 11th July.

When I arrived at Áras an Uachtaráin on the 11th July 1998 in the company of three others, who did not know my mission, we were welcomed by Mary McAleese and her husband Martin.

When I received a call on my mobile phone, I excused myself from my company, and went to a side room of the main room where the function was taking place.

I repeated what my cousin Seamus McKenna told me about Banbridge and Omagh, and I made it absolutely clear that I wanted Michael McKevitt, Bernadette McKevitt Sands, Seamus McGrane, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy, Seamus Daly and Seamus McKenna arrested and taken out of circulation.

When I left Áras an Uachtaráin on the 11th July 1998, I was satisfied that both the Banbridge and Omagh bombs would be stopped.

When the Banbridge Bomb exploded at the beginning of August, I phoned my Garda contact and asked him why Michael McKevitt and the bombers had not been arrested, he had no explanation other than the decision was taken in Dublin. I told him that I might have been better going to the media, and he said, “Jesus don’t do that”.

Following the Banbridge Bomb my cousin Seamus McKenna phoned me again and sounded disturbed about the fact that so many civilians had been injured. Seamus talked about the on-going plan to bomb Omagh, Seamus said that there had been a meeting between Michael McKevitt, Bernadette McKevitt Sands and Irish Government officials before Banbridge.

I am satisfied that the meeting between Irish Government officials and the Real IRA before Banbridge was as a direct result of my meeting at Áras an Uachtaráin 11th July 1998 and my insistence that the Real IRA Leadership be arrested.

Seamus said the Court House in Omagh was going to be bombed on Saturday the 15th of August, he was not happy about it, but what could he do.

I phoned my Garda contact in Monaghan and updated him on what Seamus had said about the plan to bomb Omagh Court House on the 15th August 1998. My Garda contact assured me that the bomb would be stopped and to say nothing to anyone else.

On Saturday 15th August 1998 I was in Portrush in a mobile home and listening to the radio expecting to hear that the bomb had been stopped on its way to Omagh, when news of the bomb exploding came on the radio, it put me to my knees. I could not believe that the bomb had not been intercepted. I phoned my Garda contact, he had no explanation other than the decision was taken in Dublin, and he sounded like he was under pressure.

I then phoned renowned journalist Barrie Penrose with whom I was working on a different matter at that time and I put on record with Barrie everything that had happened over the previous weeks including the names I had given to the Irish authorities. I also got a bus to Belfast, left my partner and children in Portrush, and briefed a couple of trusted journalists as I believed the truth about Omagh would never be told.

Reasons Why The Omagh Bomb was Allowed to Run?

There are three possible reasons why The Omagh Bomb was allowed to run:

1. To protect an Agent who was being embedded into The Real IRA in 1998. David Rupert was an FBI/MI5 Agent and was paid $10,000,000 for infiltrating The Real IRA.

Sean O’Driscoll has written a book, The Accidental Spy, about David Rupert’s infiltration of both Continuity IRA and later The Real IRA. I have not read the book, but I have read a pre-view of the book published in The Belfast Telegraph, 12th January, 2019, and in that pre-view, there is an interesting passage:

“After the Omagh Bomb in 1998, his mission became all the more urgent. By now, the FBI had contacted MI5, who needed someone in the larger and deadlier Real IRA”.

This passage if taken at face value, could rule out the Omagh Bomb being allowed to run to facilitate Rupert’s infiltration of The Real IRA (see, also Note at bottom of Blog Post, Paddy Dixon).

2. To undermine the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership as the majority of ordinary citizens and international observers would not be able to morally distinguish between Sinn Fein/PIRA and The Real IRA.

3. To use the Real IRA bombing campaign as leverage to force Unionists into a power-sharing Executive with the Sinn Fein/PIRA ‘Doves’. 

The third option is the easiest to sustain, and is the option that is easily supported by the evidence.

The third option is the easiest to sustain, and is the option that is easily supported by the evidence. Berty Ahern was in 1998 already at the centre of a Political Corruption Scandal that would be proven by The Mahon Tribunal. Berty Ahern needed the cloak of delivering 'peace' in Northern Ireland to regain some political value within Fianna Fail and the population in general.

Berty Ahern was taking his advice about Northern Ireland from former Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Vice-President, Phil Flynn, Phil had resigned as Vice-President of Sinn Fein/PIRA at the Sinn Fein/PIRA, Ard Fheis in 1984, but as he delivered his resignation speech at the Ard Fheis he swore publicly, in blood, to always remain available to Sinn Fein/PIRA. Phil Flynn would be named as being key to the money-laundering operation that followed the Northern Bank Robbery in 2004.

It would not be until December, 2019, that I would get an opportunity to ask Berty Ahern why he had directed Garda Commissioner, Pat Byrne, NOT to arrest Michael McKevitt and the Omagh Bomb Team before the Banbridge and Omagh Bombs in 1998, and rather chose to send his advisor Martin Mansergh for tea and biscuits with Michael McKevitt and the Omagh Bomb Team.

In December, 2019, I meet Berty Ahern in north Dublin, I asked Berty why he had Directed Garda Commissioner, Pat Byrne, NOT to arrest Michael McKevitt and the Omagh Bomb Team before Banbridge and Omagh. Berty said, Phil Flynn, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Runner for PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna) advised him not to arrest McKevitt and the would-be Bombers.

If Berty Ahern had directed Garda Commissioner, Pat Byrne to arrest Michael McKevitt and his bomb team prior to Omagh, this could have been done on the 'Belief' evidence of a Garda Superintendent. If McKevitt and his bomb team had been taken out of circulation neither the Banbridge nor Omagh Bomb would have happened.

Berty Ahern Lied to The Dail about his knowledge of The Real IRA pre-Omagh:

Further into this Blog-post you will read how I was arrested in relation to the Omagh Bomb and on a second occasion kidnapped. As a result of both these perversions of our criminal justice system, Bertie Ahern came under intense pressure from Enda Kenny TD to tell the Truth about his role in the chronology of events that led to the slaughter of thirty-one innocent men, women and children at Omagh.

Nov 2002 - https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-30075592.html

Oct 2003 - https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/ahern-admits-real-ira-talks-25926350.html

Notes: In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Berty Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Gun-runner, Charles Haughey to remark of Ahern:

“He's the most skillful, the most devious, the most cunning of them all”.

During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen, these were corrupt payments and confirmed as such for this author by Paddy the Plaster, who would appear before The Mahon Tribunal.

In July, 1997, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation beyond repair.

Earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.

Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern said:

“The British Government are effectively out of the equation and neither the British parliament nor people have any legal right under this agreement to impede the achievement of Irish unity if it had the consent of the people North and South...Our nation is and always will be a 32-county nation. Antrim and Down are, and will remain, as much a part of Ireland as any southern county”.

Background

Every aspect of this blog post has been known to the authorities for years, much of it taken from Court Transcripts or 'evidence' presented or submitted for consideration. There are those who want the Truth buried, as they must live a lie each day to justify their pathetic existence. However, if anyone has any issue with anything posted here they may DM on my Twitter Account and I will adjust if warranted.

Sinn Fein/PIRA stated publicly in 2000 that Vincent McKenna was never a member of, or involved with Sinn Fein/PIRA. The truth which is often elusive to Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers, Rapists, Paedophiles and Informers, is somewhat different as you would expect. 

Such statements about Vincent McKenna were usually issued by RUC Informers such as Owen Smyth in Monaghan Town, Dennis Donaldson in Belfast and indeed Liam Adams who would later die in prison while serving 15 years for raping his 4-year-old daughter. Liam Adams had been protected by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness after Liam admitted raping 4-year-old Aine.

Martin McGuinness was on a TV panel with Robert McCartney QC, McGuinness believed that a member of the audience was going to ask him about allegations of child abuse. McGuinness was pro-active and admitted abusing a female child, he explained the abuse away by saying that such matters were not viewed in the same light back then as in the 1990s.

In 2000, one of Ireland's most prolific paedophiles, Michael Feeney, was before Monaghan Circuit Court charged with the sexual assault, including bondage, of twelve children, Feeney was armed with a Character Reference from Northern Ireland's Education Minister, Martin McGuinness. Michael Feeney was Headmaster of Ballybay National School where he raped the children. One victim told the Court, it would be easier to count the children Feeney did not sexually assault, than the ones he did. McGuinness and Feeney knew each other through the GAA.

Martin McGuinness with Liam Adams opening new Sinn Fein Office in Dundalk when Martin knows that Liam has Raped 4-year-old Aine

Also worth noting that a Sinn Fein/PIRA member (JD) who ran a high profile campaign against Vincent McKenna, upon Vincent McKenna's release from prison, would a short time later be sentenced to 11 years in prison for Raping his children, making videos of those rapes and sharing them on Paedophile websites. The Sunday World, Irish Star and The Sun, who had given (JD) a platform against Vincent McKenna, had nothing to say when their hero (JD) was convicted of child rape.

However, it must be remembered that Paedophiles are as prevalent within Journalism as they are any other walk of life, Irish Times, Journalist, Tom Humphreys was an out-spoken critic of the Catholic Church and Paedophile Priests, until Tom himself pleaded guilty to Raping children.

Vincent McKenna, 17 years old, front-left carrying coffin to commemorate Death of PIRA hunger-striker, Kieran Doherty TD, 1981, Cavan Town.
Vincent McKenna's Diary from 1986, while Vincent McKenna worked in several roles within Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA, Vincent McKenna was at all times answerable to his cousin PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna. 
Vincent McKenna kept a detail record of all Murders, bombs, weapons finds and so forth for Kevin McKenna. In 1986, there was no Google, and so this diary was the only record available to Kevin McKenna as he directed hundreds of PIRA operations.

Vincent McKenna with John Hume 1994, many who now claim ownership of the 'peace-process' tried very hard to frustrate that process, and set out to undermine those of us who were trying to create a conversation around peace.

Vincent McKenna began the public conversation about Political Prisoners when most were afraid to touch the subject, yet it was a subject that would be at the core of making a 'peace-process' that would have some chance of success. Vincent McKenna, William Smyth UVF and Barry McElduff PIRA.


The key focus of Vincent McKenna's work up until the end of 1997 was pushing the public conversation about a 'peace-process', without preparing the public with this discourse it would have been virtually impossible to thrust upon the public a Referendum on any agreement. 

It is worth noting that many who joined with Vincent McKenna in his work are now in key positions across the Island of Ireland and beyond.

Letter: 2nd October 1997, from Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam to Vincent McKenna: This letter is 8 Days before PIRA Army Convention in Falcarragh, County Donegal:

“Thank you for all your hard work, an agreement is much closer now due to your efforts, I wish you, Gerry and Martin well for the 10th”. NIO Ref: McKenna/BB

I was not a delegate for the 1997 PIRA Convention in Donegal, I was a driver for a senior member of The PIRA. While we waited for others, I asked him to explain how The Convention would work and the possible outcomes. 


It should be noted that Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and I, had very different reasons for wanting to surrender the PIRA. 

Gerry Adams wanted The PIRA to stand down as he could see a political opportunity that would not come again. Gerry knew that if The PIRA continued then they would be subject to an intensified effort by The SAS and would be reduced to dust.

Martin McGuinness wanted to surrender The PIRA as he wanted to please his MI6 Masters, who had groomed him over decades, the evidence that I have gathered show McGuinness being an Agent for MI6 since 1986, however, others have suggested he was an Agent from the 1970s.

I wanted The PIRA surrendered, because I had believed for a very long time that they were nothing more than criminals masquerading as Freedom Fighters. I believed that if we could surrender The PIRA, then Sinn Fein could play a role in the democratic processes of the Island of Ireland.

Following the PIRA Convention in Oct 1997, which was attended by Kevin McKenna, Hennessy McKenna (south Derry), Brendan McKenna (south Derry) Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, Michael McKevitt, Bernadette McKevitt, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, Pat Doherty, Martin Ferris, Pat Treanor, Joe Cahill and so forth, Michael McKevitt, Seamus McGrane and a handful of others founded The Real IRA in a shed outside Oldcastle in County Meath.

We now know, with the exposure of Martin McGuinness, Dennis Donaldson, Freddie Scappaticci, Roy McShane, Owen Smyth and many others, that The PIRA Army Convention was attended by more British Agents and Informers than it was by actual PIRA members. The level of infiltration was better understood following the raid on Castlereagh RUC station by Bobby Storey.

On the 5th of November 1997, I meet with leading members of The PIRA in Belfast and Mid-Ulster to establish how much support there was for Michael McKevitt and what would become The Real IRA. It was clear that Mid-Ulster was going to be a problem. I was still the runner between Martin McGuinness and PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna.

It is fair to say that by November 1997, I had a very clear view of where The Real IRA were going to draw their support. My cousin Seamus McKenna, who was based in County Louth, and who had extreme loyalty to me as I had taken care of his Brother Sean, when Sean was released from Long Kesh, told me that The PIRA were allowing McKevitt to empty PIRA arms dumps.

When Seamus McKenna told me that The PIRA leadership, namely Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, Kevin McKenna and Martin McGuinness were allowing McKevitt to empty PIRA Arms Dumps, I went immediately to Monaghan and asked Kevin McKenna if he was allowing McKevitt to empty PIRA Arms Dumps, to which he replied:

“The odd bomb going off here and there will keep Unionists focused on working with the ‘Doves’”.

Following this admission by Kevin McKenna, which was confirmed by Martin McGuinness, I went to war against Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA due to their duplicity, and this war is set out below.

The War on Duplicity

I decided to take Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA to task on their adopted tactic of manufacturing opposition to Loyal Order parades. I carried out a Survey on the Ormeau Road, February, 1998, to establish the true feelings of local residents in relation to Loyal Order parades.

This extensive survey found that 80% of Nationalists would accept Loyal Order parades if certain minimal conditions were in place. The survey also exposed the fact that Sinn Fein/PIRA did not represent the views of the local population in relation to Loyal Order parades.

Following the widely publicised findings of the survey, Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA were fully exposed for manufacturing sectarian tensions that were resulting in extreme violence and murder. I immediately came under sustained attack by Sinn Fein/PIRA personnel, with whom, only  a few weeks earlier, I was sharing the same pot of tea.

I had absolutely no contact, at this time, with the Labour Party and Conservative Party MPs who raised the threats against me in Westminster, the threat against me was based on RUC Intelligence received from their Agents and Informers within the PIRA in Belfast. Threats Raised at Westminister 1998

In February, 1998, absolutely no allegation of a sexual nature had ever been made against me, I was talking to my ex-wife and children every day. Following the high profile campaign against me by Sinn Fein/PIRA for exposing their duplicity, my ex-wife told me that she was being put under pressure by her employer, Dr Marian Smyth, who had a child to PIRA serial killer Michael 'Pete' Ryan. My ex-wife was a cleaner and part-time secretary for Dr Smyth, and was in a precarious position.

I told my ex-wife that I had a job to do and I could not stop as people were going to die, I apologised for the fact that she was being put under pressure, but I told her it would blow over. My ex-wife had previously been harassed in 1994 by a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan (that member being an Informer, wife beater and Paedophile) however, I had contacted Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin in 1994 and that threat had been addressed. 

This threat in 1994, had come about after my 'peace run' from Belfast to the Sinn Fein/PIRA Ard Fheis in Dublin, which was part of the process of creating a public conversation about peace, this would not have been understood by Sinn Fein/PIRA foot-soldiers who had no clue that the PIRA were about to surrender.

In 1995, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin contacted me to ask if I would vote for him as my name was still on the electoral register in Monaghan. I travelled to Monaghan at my own expense and voted for Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin and I acknowledged his brother Fintan when I came out of the Polling Station at Saint Louis Convent. In 1998, I was not going to ask Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin to intervene as it would have simply compromised my position, Caoimhghín would have wanted me to stand down.

As Sinn Fein/PIRA continued with their campaign against me, I gave an exclusive front-page interview to Liam Clarke, Sunday Times, in which I explained the Policy of Ethnic Cleansing being pursued by Sinn Fein/PIRA since 1986. At this point in 1998, the newly elected PIRA Chief of Staff, Thomas 'Slab' Murphy had brought a Civil Action against The Sunday Times for describing him as Chief of Staff.

My interview with The Sunday Times, simply covered information that was already in the public domain, however, as I had been associated with the most senior members of Sinn Fein/PIRA including Kevin McKenna, Martin McGuinness, Joe Cahill, Jim Lynagh, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin and so forth, my interview with Liam Clarke was viewed as treachery.

Following my interview with The Sunday Times, conversations with my ex-wife became strained, she said she was being put under extreme pressure by Dr Marian Smyth and Owen Smyth. I continued to travel to Monaghan Town each week to collect my children, and I told my ex-wife that I had to do my work or people would die.

On the 17th April 1998, I arrived at the car park of The Four Seasons Hotel in Monaghan Town, I had been invited to a wedding, it was very late in the evening. I seen my-ex-wife outside the front door of the hotel, she was very drunk. 
Fiona McCleary, 17th April, 1998, Four Seasons Hotel
I spoke to my ex-wife, she told me she was being put under extreme pressure to do me harm, she said that Owen Smyth and Marian Smyth were putting her under pressure to help them to do something to discredit me. My ex-wife was not making much sense so I got back in the car and went back to Belfast.

We know that on the 18th of April, 1998, my ex-wife continued on her drunken binge and teamed up with Blackmailer, Carmel Mulhall (nee, Gallagher) who had been threatened with imprisonment by Mr Justice Paul Carney, at The Central Criminal Court, when Mulhall had tried to Blackmail an innocent man for £10,000 by falsely accusing him of Rape. Judge Carney said he would have sent Carmel Mulhall to prison if it were not for the number of children that she had to several different men.

This collaboration between my ex-wife and Blackmailer, Carmel Mulhall, would be the planned catalyst to force the alleged complainant in DPP v Vincent McKenna to make a non-descript complaint of abuse. This non-descript complaint would then be used in a Blackmail attempt.

On Thursday 23, April, 1998, I received a phone call to inform me that my 22-year-old cousin Jimmy had just been found dead in north Belfast, I was devastated. At exactly the same time as I took the call relating to Jimmy's death, the postman dropped a letter in the post-box.

When I opened the letter it was from The North Eastern Health Board in Monaghan Town, the letter was one-line, "Can you contact us at your earliest convenience". I simply assumed the letter was related to my petition for Divorce, against my ex-wife, that was before The High Court in Belfast the following Monday. I had never went through the process of divorce before and I simply thought the letter related to formal arrangements for the children.

At my trial in 2000, my ex-wife would swear on Oath that she had Divorced me, that, like all else, was a comprehensive lie, but deliberately used to paint a dark caricature of my person.
I immediately phoned my ex-wife, 23 April, 1998, and told her about my cousin Jimmy and asked her about the letter from The NEHB. My ex-wife had no explanation for the letter from The NEHB and so I thought it was not important. At this time I recorded all of my phone calls as I was receiving death threats on a regular basis.

I was also at this time involved in significant matters, those significant matters when concluded ensured that many lives were saved and the 'peace-process' prevailed.

When my cousin Jimmy was buried, I went before The High Court in Belfast on 27 April, 1998, to deal with my petition for Divorce. While my ex-wife and I had agreed to everything in the Divorce petition, including arrangements for the children and to keep the house in both our names so that we could borrow against it in the future for the children's education, my ex-wife had sent a letter to the High Court asking for the house. The Judge said he would ignore the letter as it appeared to be malicious.

When I returned home from The High Court, I immediately phoned my ex-wife to tell her that the Divorce had been granted to me. I asked my ex-wife about the letter she had sent to The High Court, only now did I realise that my ex-wife was angry about the Divorce and the fact that according to her I was, "Playing Happy Families". Which was bizarre, as my ex-wife and I had attended marriage guidance classes in Armagh in 1992, and without being indiscreet she had chosen a different path.

Eventually, my ex-wife disclosed that the letter from The NEHB related to an allegation of sexual abuse made against me by my eldest daughter who was 17 years-old at that time. My ex-wife told me that if I tried to contact the complainant I would be arrested for harassment and that I needed to speak to The NEHB. Interestingly, no actual allegation had been made at this time, but we do know that the alleged victim had been drugged with an unlicensed mind-altering drug by Dr Marian Smyth, who had a child outside her marriage with PIRA serial killer, Michael 'Pete' Ryan.

At this point the allegations were already in the public domain and being used to discredit my work in Belfast, the language being used on the internet by Sinn Fein/PIRA in relation to the complainant was perverse, they simply used her as they had used thousands of women and children before.

I made dozens of calls to The NEHB over the following days, but the Social Worker who was in charge of the case refused to speak with me or arrange a meeting which was protocol, of course I learned terms like protocol much later. It would later transpire that the Social Worker was socialising with my ex-wife. The Social Worker was removed from the case, but it was too late.

The only saving grace was that on the 7 May, 1998, my ex-wife phoned my house in Belfast and told my Fiancée that, "All that has been said is lies, but it has all gone too far". It was on 7 May, 1998, that I had sought advice from my Solicitor as nobody would meet with me. My only concern was the complainant, who had stayed with me on her own only a few weeks earlier for two weeks.

Bizarrely, while the complainant had stayed with me on dozens of occasions on her own in Northern Ireland, she made no allegations in relation to Northern Ireland. When asked under Oath why she had stayed with me on her own between 1992-95, she said to protect children that I had in another relationship, in fact there were no other children 1992-1995.

Sinn Fein/PIRA offered me the opportunity to walk away from the allegations if I would stand down, however, I declined their offer. PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, was anxious that I stand down, he had known me from when I was a child, he said:

"We know you have the character to stand up to The IRA, but you also have to have the wisdom to stand down".

Bizarrely, as Sinn Fein/PIRA were persecuting me, I was, in another role, responsible for preventing the murder of many of their leading members in Belfast. There are people alive and well who know that I prevented the assassination of senior Sinn Fein/PIRA personnel who would be key in delivering the 'peace-process'.

Eventually, I would learn that the complainant had been drugged with an unlicensed mind altering drug by Dr Marian Smyth, who had a child to PIRA Serial Killer, Michael Pete Ryan. 

This case is in 2021 back before The Court of Criminal Appeal and is simply being delayed due to Covid 19.

Why Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA manufactured opposition to Loyal Order Parades

Following The PIRA ‘cease-fire’ of August, 1994, The Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership needed to adopt various tactics to occupy their rank and file members, or those rank and file members might start to ask what it was they had achieved.

The tactics adopted such re-opening border roads, release of prisoners and de-militarisation, happened or begun to happen, at a much faster pace than anticipated. This fast pace of change meant that the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership needed a tactic with some longevity, and one that would fit with the long-term Policy of Ethnic Cleansing.

Fergie O'Neil leads the campaign to open border roads in Monaghan

The decision was taken to manufacture opposition to Loyal Order Parades across Northern Ireland, this tactic would serve several purposes, it would be a tactic with longevity, it would occupy the rank and file and it could be used in various areas to drive out remaining Protestant communities. In places such as the Ormeau Road, the last vestiges of Protestantism such as the Cricket Club would be burned down by Sinn Fein/PIRA.

As early as 1995 I had argued, within Sinn Fein/PIRA, against adopting this tactic, as I believed that it would simply cause opposition to the ‘peace-process’ and fill the ranks of those who may wish to undermine the push for ‘peace’. I even argued that such a tactic with such longevity would play into the British narrative that Northern Ireland was simply a conflict between two sectarian tribes, a narrative that Sinn Fein/PIRA had rejected for decades.

The tactic was adopted, Sinn Fein/PIRA personnel, mainly former PIRA prisoners, were selected to lead the campaign in various geographical locations. Gerry Adams championed the tactic in a speech in 1996 in Athboy in County Meath, a speech that was heard by only Sinn Fein/PIRA supporters and their proxies in the media.

Even when it was clear that opposition to Loyal Order parades was being manufactured and was not organic, journalists who knew that it was a Sinn Fein/PIRA tactic, pointed at the alleged intransigence of the Loyal Orders.

The Loyal Orders were an easy target for propaganda, the parades issue was quickly high-jacked by extremists such as The Loyalist Volunteer Force, and moderate voices within the Loyal Orders were drowned out. Sinn Fein/PIRA once again presented themselves as the victims in a modern conflict, that they had again manufactured.

As Gerry Adams and the Leaders of Sinn Fein/PIRA sat comfortably behind the bulletproof glass in their homes, which was provided for them by The British Government, innocent Catholics such as Michael McGoldrick were murdered as they done an honest day’s work. 

Michael had been a friend and fellow mature student at Queens and we had often had a cup of tea together, he simply wanted a better life for his family and he had no time for any violent group.


In 1998, I published a list of 100 Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Rapists who were being protected by the Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Leadership, Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA Denied my Claims, in 2014 GerryAdams exonerated my claims, too late for thousands of Rape Victims.

The Omagh Bomb

As The Real IRA became organised and structures were put in place, plans emerged for a bombing campaign, the core function of that bombing campaign was to undermine Gerry Adams and his apparent enthusiasm to surrender The Provisional IRA.

While I had gone to war against Sinn Fein/PIRA because of their duplicity, I also wanted to do everything possible to keep the 'peace process' moving forward, in the hope that those within that process could eventually achieve the surrender of The Provisional IRA.

In July 1998, my cousin Seamus McKenna made me aware of The Real IRA plan to bomb Banbridge and Omagh, these disclosures were made in general conversation, rather than any attempt by Seamus to Inform on his comrades.

These disclosures by Seamus, were passed onto a Garda Detective in Monaghan and lead to a high level security meeting at Aras an Uachtarain (home of The Irish President) on the weekend of 10th July 1998, or to be more precise, on the night that the three Quinn Children were Murdered in Ballymoney.

On the night of the 11th July, 1998, Mary and Martin McAleese were holding an evening of Multi-cultural entertainment, which included instruments and music from both Irish and Ulster-Scots traditions. Mary McAleese is personally known to me since my time at Queens University when she attended events that I organised.

On the night of the 11th July, 1998, I was personally welcomed by Mary McAleese. The security meeting that I facilitated and participated in on that night, was a side-bar to the evening of entertainment provided by Mary McAleese, the entertainment was used as cover for the security meeting.

NOTE: On the 18th July, 1998, I was attacked on the Ormeau Road by six members of Sinn Fein/PIRA, led by Sinn Fein/PIRA Killer, Sean Clinton, one of the Sinn Fein/PIRA attackers later pleaded Guilty in Court to assaulting me. The RUC did not want to prosecute any of those who attacked me. Later that night The PIRA in Belfast murdered Andrew Kearney, those who murdered Andrew were informers and rapists.

Following my attendance at Aras an Uachtarain on the 11th night 1998, I was confident that both the Banbridge and Omagh Bombs could be stopped. In the immediate aftermath of The Omagh Bomb I publicly named the Bombers, I done this as I believed the Truth would never be told about Omagh and so that the public could see that The Real IRA were simply Sinn Fein/PIRA Proxies.

Following the two bomb attacks certain Gardai became hostile towards me, this included the Garda Detective to whom I had disclosed Real IRA plans to bomb Banbridge and Omagh. I was angry, the wife, daughter and unborn twins of my school friend Michael Monaghan had been Murdered in Omagh.

Berty Ahern mislead Dail Eireann, when asked if he had directed his Special Advisor, Dr Martin Mansergh to meet with The Real IRA prior to the Omagh Bomb in 1998, this meeting was directed after the Government had been advised of an imminent bombing campaign, Bandbridge and Omagh.

One-year, 14th October, 2003, after misleading Dail Eireann, The Taoiseach, Berty Ahern, said that his then special adviser Dr Mansergh:

"Did have contact with the 32-County Sovereignty Movement in 1998, some weeks before the Omagh atrocity and with a view to persuading the Real IRA to cease their activities".

"Regrettably the Real IRA did not heed this message and, indeed, subsequently resumed their activities," he said. He reiterated that there was "no 'deal' done by the Government either directly or indirectly" with the Real IRA in return for a ceasefire or in seeking their disbandment.

This attitude, to the Truth, by Berty Ahern, is in stark contrast to the findings of The Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission (GSOC), in relation to dealing other Real IRA actions.

Mr Ronan, MacLochlainn, a member of The Real IRA, was killed during an attempted armed robbery of a Securicor van in Ashford, Co Wicklow in May 1998.

"This would have encouraged recognition by its members of the need for accountability and real independence in an investigation," the report says, in addition to possibly prompting better records and systems being maintained, which "ensured that full and appropriate disclosure was made by the organisation and thereby minimised the potential for theories of wrongdoing to fester".

"These measures could have saved the family of Mr MacLochlainn the long ordeal of seeking answers that this process became," the report said.

Michael McKevitt was very clear about what had transpired between Berty Ahern and The Real IRA Leadership, post-Omagh, McKevitt said that an Amnesty had been offered to The Omagh Bombers and those who directed them in return for a cease-fire.

The Real IRA called a ‘cease-fire’ in September 1998 to consider Ahern’s offer, but concluded that the offer had only been made as the security forces and members of The Irish Government had prior knowledge of The Real IRA plan to bomb Omagh.

NOTE: Berty Ahern does not say that no deal was offered, simply that no 'deal' was done.

In 1999, when Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA in Belfast, Murdered a young man who had been Raped by a senior member of Sinn Fein/PIRA, Berty Ahern said:

"Until there is an acceptable police force in Northern Ireland these things will continue to happen".

Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA admitted after the Omagh Bomb, that is was only in the aftermath of the Omagh atrocity that they visited the homes of Real IRA members and directed them not to take any further explosives and weapons from their arms dumps, the dumps were already empty. This post-Omagh act proving beyond doubt that Sinn Fein/PIRA were happy to use The Real IRA as Proxies, until that tactic literally blew-up in their face with the Omagh atrocity.

Sinn Féin is holding to its position that it will not encourage republicans to provide information to either An Garda Siochána or the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) on who was responsible for the Omagh bombing four years ago (Gerry Moriarty, Irish Times, Fri, Aug 16, 2002).

In 1998, I was asked to meet with a Senior Civil Servant from The Northern Ireland Office, at The Europa Hotel in Belfast. The Senior Civil Servant offered me £200,000 to end my high-profile campaign against Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA. I declined the offer, although at that time, I could not pay my Electric Bill, I could not be bought.

On 12 January, 1999, I was arrested in Monaghan on the basis that allegations of sexual abuse had been made against me on the 8th January, 1999, worth noting that on the 8th January 1999 a leading member of The UFF told Hugh Jordon of The Sunday World he had just been offered £5,000 to murder me and use UFF Code-word to claim the murder, story published 10th January, 1999. 

NOTE: The Murder Plot: Sources independent of me, show the following: On the 8th of January, 1999, the alleged victim made  a complaint to Gardai in Monaghan, we also know that there was communication between Sinn Fein/PIRA and corrupt Gardai. We know that two members of Sinn Fein/PIRA offered a senior member of The UFF £5,000 on the same day to murder me and use UFF code-word to claim responsibility.

We know that Sinn Fein/PIRA knew that I was going to be arrested on the 12th January, 1999, when I was making an application before The Family Court in Monaghan in relation to my children. Even before my arrest, Sinn Fein/PIRA in Belfast had begun to paint wall murals describing me as a Pedophile and MI6 Agent, we now know that those directing this activity were Paedophiles and Informers. Before I entered The Family Court in Monaghan, I was told by a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA that I was going to be arrested after the hearing.

In the full glare of my high-profile arrest, and in the shadow of fifty wall murals across Belfast, I was to be murdered by The UFF and a UFF code word would be used to claim my murder. However, this murder bid was thwarted when a leading member of The UFF spoke to Hugh Jordon and I was consequently informed by The RUC.

My detention on 12/13 January, 1999, was not recorded, although it was a statutory requirement, no notes were taken and I was released without terms or conditions after 20 Hours. The Garda Detective who had prior warning of The Banbridge and Omagh Bombs facilitated and participated in my detention.

The Garda Detective to whom I had provided information about the impending Banbridge and Omagh bomb attacks in 1998, told me during my detention in Monaghan 12th January, 1999, that the allegations made against me were not worth the paper they were written on. The same Garda Detective also said that RUC Informer, Owen Smyth, had offered them guns in exchange for my high-profile arrest.

Irish Independent, 16th January, 1999: “Gardai believe the heavy machineguns found in a field in Monaghan on Thursday are part of the same Provisional IRA arsenal discovered last October”.

Bizarrely, while detained in Monaghan in January 1999, Gardai tried to recruit me as an Agent to work on their behalf in Northern Ireland, here is the name and address where I was supposed to send reports about Unionists/Loyalists, Sinn Fein/PIRA and 'Dissident Republicans'. This is not the Detective who had prior knowledge of Omagh.

When I returned to Belfast after my detention in Monaghan in January, 1999, I exposed the attempt by An Garda Siochana to recruit me, I gave all the details including the contact name and address to Journalist Nell McCafferty. Nell McCafferty phoned the Garda Detective and he admitted that he had given me his phone number, name and address to send him reports. It is no secret that certain Gardai based in Monaghan Town could not be trusted, and this was summed up at The Smithwick Tribunal by Chief Supt, Tom Curran when he said he would not disclose the name of an Informant to the Garda Intelligence Collator in Monaghan.

It is worth noting, that the car used for the Omagh Bomb, seen here in the picture, was stolen a few yards from the home of this Garda Detective, now, I know we live on a small island, but this is something of note.

When I returned to Belfast, 13 January, 1999, over fifty wall murals had been painted by Sinn Fein/PIRA across the city, describing me as a Pedophile and MI6 Agent, bizarrely those Sinn Fein/PIRA members who directed this activity against me, have all since been exposed as Pedophiles and British Agents/Informers.

NOTE: The alleged victim in the case against me would allege that I had sent a relative to her with pictures of the wall murals and asking her to withdraw her allegations, at no time did I have any knowledge of anyone approaching her in such a fashion, if I had wanted the allegations withdrawn, I would simply have taken up the offer from Sinn Fein/PIRA, including Martin McGuinness.

Having been arrested by Gardai on the 12th January, 1999, and released without charge or condition on the 13th January, 1999, I exposed the attempt by Gardai to recruit me. Gardai in Monaghan were now desperate to get something against me.

Gardai were further disappointed when a Medical Report based on an examination of the alleged victim arrived and stated categorically that the alleged victim was Virgo Intacta, not only did this information contradict the allegations made, but also placed the alleged victim in a very special category, as 60% of girls are not Virgo Intacta by the age of 12-years due to normal activity such as cycling.

The Gardai were now desperate, they had no record of my detention and now they had a Medical Report that contradicted the allegations being made. In a desperate bid to get The DPP to bring charges, the Gardai in Monaghan called the alleged victim back into the Garda station and got her to change her original statement materially. The DPP now under political and media pressure brought charges.

After my release from Garda custody, I was now determined to expose the Truth about the Omagh Bomb, and it was with this intention that I attended The UKUP Conference in February, 1999 and named those responsible for the Banbridge and Omagh Bombs in the full glare of the cameras. This high profile exposure of The Omagh Bombers forced Gardai to arrest and charge Colm Murphy on the 21st February, 1999.

However, the case against Murphy collapsed and a retrial was ordered, again the second trial collapsed. At the core of the failure of Murphy's two trials, was the Garda Detective who had prior knowledge of Omagh, the same Garda Detective who facilitated and participated in my detention 12 January, 1999.

A Garda Inspector in Monaghan, acting as a proxy for dark-forces, began to issue negative press briefings about me to pro-Sinn Fein/PIRA Journalists, while I had never been questioned about sexual abuse allegations in Monaghan during my detention in January 1999 on the basis of such allegations, those allegations now took on new meaning for rogue Garda Officers.

I was not the only person to be subject to to the activities of dark-forces who often worked to their own narrow agenda rather than seeing the bigger picture. Michael Gallagher, who has lead the campaign for Justice for the Omagh Victims and their Families was also the subject of a smear campaign.

Following my exposure of The Omagh Bombers and my critique of the failure of The Irish authorities to take decisive action, Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan (later promoted to Superintendent) continued to brief the media negatively about me, in order to ensure that if charges were brought against me for alleged sexual assault I could not get a fair hearing and would be silenced by the negative publicity he was generating.

"Asked if the Garda investigators expect formal charges to be directed by the DPP, Inspector Sullivan told the Irish Voice, 'we are confident that there will be a prosecution and we are confident that we will secure convictions against this suspect'." (https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/10/vmk-o20.html)

If these abuses being directed against me by corrupt Gardai, were directed against a member of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA, the case would never see the inside of a court room. Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA did offer me the opportunity to walk away from this case, in return for my silence, however, I declined those offers. 

Garda Inspector, Joseph Sullivan, nicknamed, 'Provo Cop' by PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna, would continue to work for dark-forces when he perjured himself and perverted the course of Justice when he lied on Oath in the case of DPP v Vincent McKenna. Those lies now fully exposed in a tape recording, in which Garda Inspector, Simon O'Connor of The Garda Press Office, states that Sullivan admitted to him, what Sullivan had denied under Oath.

While rogue Gardai in Monaghan continued to abuse my Legal and Constitutional Rights, I continued to do the job that they were failing to do. I continued to work with members of An Garda Siochana who were prepared to place the public and national interest before any selfish or corrupt motivation. My work was saving lives, while the actions of corrupt Gardai in Monaghan was placing many lives at risk.

One of the reasons that Omagh Bomber, Colm Murphy walked away from the charges was that his presumption of innocence had been taken away by media commentary pre-trial. This was due to a Spotlight Documentary, however, the over-riding reason was the actions of at least two Gardai.

Following the attempt by The NIO to buy me off with £200K, the Gardai attempt to recruit me and a relentless campaign of abuse by Sinn Fein/PIRA and their Proxies in the media, I worked with CBS 60 Minutes to produce a documentary that would impact seriously on Sinn Fein/PIRA and their cheer-leaders in America.

On Sunday 14th March, 1999, the CBS 60 Minute Documentary presented by world renowned broadcaster and journalist Mike Wallace was watched by 80,000,000 Viewers, due to the fallout from the CBS 60 Minutes exposure of Sinn Fein/PIRA many Sinn Fein/PIRA fund raising functions in America on Saint Patrick's Day were cancelled. 

It is estimated by The FBI that the CBS 60 Minutes Documentary and its repeats cost Sinn Fein/PIRA Millions of Dollars. As an added bonus, American President, Bill Clinton had to quickly change his St Patrick's Day speech 1999 to include a heavy condemnation of on going Sinn Fein/PIRA Human Rights violations.

Following my exposure of the duplicity of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA in the CBS 60 Minutes Documentary on the 14th February 1999, threats and attacks on my person intensified inBelfast.

It was at this time that I gave an interview to Toby Harnden for his book, Bandit Country (Hodder, 1999) in which I explained that Sinn Fein/PIRA had small numbers of Gardai working for them. I explained how certain Gardai in Dundalk had colluded in the Murders of Chief Supt Harry Breen and Supt Bob Buchanan.

My disclosures about minimal Garda collusion with Sinn Fein/PIRA in the border counties lead to denials of such collusion by Minister for Justice, John O’Donoghue TD and Sinn Fein/PIRA. My assertions about collusion were exonerated by The Smithwick Tribunal.

It is worth noting, that even as The Smithwick Tribunal was making finds of collusion, Minister for Justice, John O’Donoghue remained in denial of such collusion. Bizarrely, one of the people John O’Donoghue had meet with in relation to the campaign against me, was the person who gave Sinn Fein/PIRA access to the Telephone Exchange in Dundalk so that Sinn Fein/PIRA could monitor phone calls.

The more pressure I was put under by various groupings, the more determined I became, by June 1999, I was viewed as someone who could be useful in helping to promote the MI6 view of what a 'peace-process' should look like. In June 1999, I had travelled to Westminster to update politicians on continued Human Rights abuses by Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA and their proxies, it was during this visit that I was approached by MI6 Officers associated with Martin McGuinness.


I rejected the advances of MI6, even though they had proven to me that Martin McGuinness did not pose a threat to the 'peace-process'. However, the 'peace-process' proposed by MI6 included abandoning the Catholic community, including women and children who had been raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA, to the dictate of Sinn Fein/PIRA.

In 1999, I pushed on in my campaign to expose the duplicity of Sinn Fein/PIRA. I assisted two German academics to produce a book on Sinn Fein/PIRA's campaign of Ethnic Cleansing, I arranged interviews for them with key players in Northern Ireland and so forth. The book, 'From Myth to Mafia' went on to become a best seller in Germany and played a significant role in reducing German support for Sinn Fein/PIRA and their proxies.

By mid-1999 it was clear that the British Government and elements of the Irish Government, namely corrupt and self-serving politicians such as Berty Ahern and John O'Donoghue were prepared to turn a blind eye to on going Murders and Rapes being committed by Sinn Fein/PIRA. Blair and Ahern had created a 'peace' narrative that existed in their heads only, and had not materialised for the long suffering people of Northern Ireland.

The majority of political commentators had adopted a, hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil, policy. Investigative journalism had become redundant in the 'new' political dispensation. However, as so often happens in Northern Ireland, an opportunity to expose the rot presented itself, in a cowardly murder.

On the 30 July, 1999, a 22 year-old Catholic lad was kidnapped, tortured and murdered by a Sinn Fein/PIRA gang which was lead by an RUC Informer, this individual along with other members of the gang were also known rapists within Sinn Fein/PIRA.

Following the murder of Charles Bennett, word quickly spread that it was Sinn Fein/PIRA who had murdered Charles. Due to the number of high level Agents and Informers within Sinn Fein/PIRA right across Belfast it did not take The RUC long to identify the murderers.

Speculation now mounted as to whether Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam, who referred to Martin McGuinness as "Babe" would declare the murder of Charles Bennett as a breach of The PIRA 'cease-fire'. Mowlam tried to avoid the question of the 'status' of the PIRA 'cease-fire' by stating that it was a matter for her Chief Security Advisor, Sir Ronnie Flanaghan to determine who murdered Charles Bennett.

It so happened that Sir Ronnie Flanaghan was going to be on a Television program with a group of students, and those students would be allowed to ask Sir Ronnie about policing in the 'new' political dispensation.

I received a call from a young friend, whom I had known at Queens University, he said he was placing some students on the Television show that Sir Ronnie was going to appear on. My friend asked me if I had any particular question I wanted to ask Sir Ronnie. I told him, to get one of the students to ask Sir Ronnie, who murdered Charles Bennett.

Sir Ronnie Flanaghan answered the question very clearly, The PIRA murdered Charles Bennett, no question about it. The reason why Sir Ronnie was so certain about the identity of the murderers would become much clearer when Bobby Storey raided Castlereagh RUC Station in 2002 and stole files containing the names of dozens of Sinn Fein/PIRA Agents and Informers.

On a Friday afternoon, I received a call from a journalist, who said that NIO had just told him off the record that the murder of Charles Bennett was being viewed as "Internal House-keeping" and not a breach of The PIRA 'cease-fire'.

I phoned The NIO and recorded the call, below, a record of the call and transcript. The tape recording was given to BBC Newsnight who flew over from England specifically to record the story. The BBC Newsnight exposure effectively finished Mo Mowlam's position as Secretary of State, a severe body blow for Sinn Fein/PIRA.

While Tony Blair, Sinn Fein/PIRA and other duplicitist mud-larks rallied around Mowlam, I quickly drove the final nail into Mowlam's political coffin.


Following my exposure of Mowlam's flawed "Internal House-keeping thesis", Mowlam was hanging by a thread, while I was at war with Sinn Fein/PIRA, I still had many contacts within Sinn Fein/PIRA. I was told by a senior member of Sinn Fein/PIRA that a list of On-The-Run Sinn Fein/PIRA members had been drawn up and they were to receive Comfort Letters, Amnesties and Royal Pardons.

The senior Sinn Fein/PIRA member was providing me with this information, because he knew that twenty-seven of the initial list of forty-one OTRs drawn up, had actually been moved out of Northern Ireland after they had admitted to Sinn Fein/PIRA that they had Raped women and children. 

I press released the list of forty-one Sinn Fein/PIRA Murderers and Rapists who were to be given Comfort Letters/Amnesties/Royal Pardons, this caused a political storm around Mo Mowlam and the Northern Ireland Office, with everyone running for cover.

In October, 1999, Mo Mowlam was replaced by Peter Mandelson, Mowlam had signed her own political death warrant by going native with Sinn Fein/PIRA.

David Rupert’s decision to become the Prosecution’s star witness against Michael McKevitt, followed his final trip to Ireland as an undercover agent in October 2000.

Conspiracy to Silence

In November 2000, I went voluntarily to Monaghan to face charges of sexual assault, this is covered in more detail below, and the case has returned to The Court of Criminal Appeal in 2021. I was convicted on 10th November 2000 and sentenced 21 November 2000. Following my sentencing every tramp and his dog was given a platform against me, many of whom would later be exposed as rapists and child abusers.

Following sentencing in Cavan Circuit Court, I was in handcuffs and shackles and I was attacked by a number of Sinn Fein/PIRA members, two of whom had been moved out of Monaghan Town by The Provisional IRA as they had admitted Raping Children, such was the perverse nature of the campaign against me.

The Director of Public Prosecutions Directed a charge of assault against one individual, however, a corrupt Garda Inspector ensured that this individual was never brought before the Court. The letter below from Superintendent O'Connor explains that The DPP has directed assault charges against one person in relation to the assault at Cavan Circuit Court. 

Before my 'trial' in November 2000, the Garda Detective who had prior knowledge of Omagh, warned me that the safety of my children could not be guaranteed if I raised anything at my trial that would embarrass An Garda Siochana in Monaghan. My children continued to live in Kieran Doherty Park, where 80% of active Sinn Fein/PIRA members in Monaghan lived.

The then Minister for Justice, John O'Donoghue TD who had publicly criticised my high profile campaign against Sinn Fein/PIRA's continued Murder and Rape, had become involved in the case against me both publicly and privately in order to ensure that I was buried and silenced. The Irish Government did not want continued Sinn Fein/PIRA Murders and Rapes highlighted.

O'Donoghue  had no interest in the allegations against me, he wanted to bury me as he also knew about the meeting at Aras an Uachtarain on the 11th July, 1998.

O'Donoghue instructed the DPP, Mr James Hamilton, by Letter to bury me. I discovered this letter under a Freedom of Information request and O'Donoghue moved quickly to change the FOI legislation, which was passed without question by Dail Eireann.

O'Donoghue visited me in prison and apologised for interfering in the Judicial process, I rejected his apology and he continued to do me harm, to the point that he meet with The Judge who would preside over my Appeal.

O'Donoghue's continued commentary about me in the media resulted in my person being subject in prison to violent assault including being stabbed in the head and arm. O'Donoghue was aware of the harm being done to me but he continued. 

I then issued Criminal proceedings against Minister for Justice, John O'Donoghue TD in The District Court in Dublin, I sought to have O'Donoghue charged with Perverting the Course of Justice, due to his Criminal interference in my case. I was representing myself in the District Court, O'Donoghue was represented by senior Counsel who are now High Court Judges.

While I was able to show The District Court the Freedom of Information documents disclosed, including the draft letter from O'Donoghue to The DPP, The District Court Judge refused to issue an Order of Disclosure in relation to the actual letter received by The DPP, and he ruled that without the letter received by The DPP, he would not issue a summons. 

The DPP had admitted that they had received the unlawful letter but they would not disclose it, the Judge would not order disclosure of the letter, and he then ruled that without the letter received by The DPP, he would not issue the summons against O'Donoghue. This bizarre case highlighting yet again the dangerous relationship between corrupt Politicians and some within the Judiciary.

O'Donoghue signed Transfer orders for members of The Real IRA to be moved to the non-political prison in which I was being held. Those Real IRA prisoners told me that 'Gardai' involved in their transfer had reminded them that I had named The Real IRA, Omagh Bombers. Dissident republicans transferred to the prison in which I was being held realised that they were being used and did not engage in violence against me, in fact we all trained together in the prison gym.

Eventually, it became clear that I would not be silenced or go on lock-up due to the vitriol and violence being directed at me and so dark-forces (facilitated by same Garda Detective in Monaghan) made their boldest move so far, I was arrested from prison in relation to The Omagh Bomb. I was returned to prison after being questioned at Lucan Garda Station for several hours, the basic tenant of that questioning was to keep my mouth shut.

Bizarrely, I would on a second occasion be taken from prison, allegedly arrested in relation to The Omagh Bomb, this according to Gardai many years later was not a lawful arrest, no record exists and appears to have been a kidnapping to warn me to keep my mouth shut.

While I will not disclose the full details here, something significant happened before my kidnapping, that proved beyond doubt that I was in a position to have prior knowledge of Real IRA Bomb attacks, and this supported my position in relation to Omagh.

Plan to Murder 

Following my kidnapping from prison by rogue Gardai, it was clear that I was not going to be silent, and as my release date came ever closer, corrupt Politicians and Gardai were anxious. Three weeks before my release, there was a final attempt on my life. This was an organised attempt and one that took some planning and co-operation.

I was returning from a visit, everything appeared normal, I was escorted from the visiting area by a prison officer that I did not know. Prison officers were constantly transferring between prisons and so it was not unusual to see new faces.

When I stepped through the final security gate on the long corridor that led to my landing, I heard the gate close behind me, normally the prison officer closes the gate and walks in front of the prisoner to his landing. When the security gate had been closed, I simply looked ahead and waited for the prison officer to walk past me.


When I looked around, the prison officer was gone. I had probably one-hundred feet to walk to my landing and so I proceeded alone. This all felt very eery, simply not right, as I walked along the corridor, I could see that the main security door to another landing was open, but no sign of any prison officer.

Then five prisoners, clearly armed with brand new Stanley blades lined out across the corridor to block my path. I knew that if my assailants got me down on the ground I would be sliced and probably murdered.

I decided to take out the biggest lad, I ran straight at the biggest lad, I hit him so hard that my fist deflected off his face and hit the rough plaster wall behind him, I lost the knuckle on my index finger on my right hand. The prisoner that I had punched was half unconscious, I held him up and used his as a shield, there was blood everywhere, I kept kicking and punching until prison officers eventually arrived.

While the majority of prison officers were professional, there were always prison officers for hire, and if a handful of rogue officers landed the same shift together prisoners could die and sometimes did. Contracts on individuals is as common in prison as it is on the street. Before I was released, one of the five prisoners who had attacked me, told me they had been paid in heroin to attack me.

Background and Key Milestones

The most important thing to remember about The Omagh Bomb is that, there were a great many agendas at play, the victims were of little concern to those agendas, as had been the case from 1969. However, the people of Ireland were told exactly what was happening before, during and after Omagh, but nobody wanted to listen.
The people were told loudly and clearly that the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership had armed The Real IRA in order to use them as proxies, to do their dirty-work while the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership presented themselves to the world as ‘peace-makers’. This was a tactic used many times, for example, following The Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Fein/PIRA used Direct Action Against Drugs, to murder those drug dealers who were refusing to pay protection money to Sinn Fein/PIRA.

The Good Friday Agreement

Following The Good Friday Agreement Sinn Fein/PIRA used shootings, beatings and murder to silence those who offered any challenge to their authority, this included Sinn Fein/PIRA Rape victims. This violence by Sinn Fein/PIRA post-Good Friday Agreement was described by British Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam as “Internal House-keeping” and was not viewed as a breach of the agreed Sinn Fein/PIRA cease-fire.
This determination by Mowlam, while an outrage against civil society, God and man, was technically correct, as Sinn Fein/PIRA had deliberately excluded Catholics from the Terms and Conditions of their agreed cease-fire, The Irish Republic including its Armed Forces were also excluded from the Sinn Fein/PIRA Terms and Conditions. 

Effectively, Sinn Fein/PIRA had been given a license to murder, as long as those murders were within the Catholic community. If State sponsored collusion ever existed in Northern Ireland, then this is its greatest example, fully exposed in the light of day, yet those who should have known better turned a blind eye.

Between 1992-1997 this Author was a runner between, his cousin, PIRA Chief of Staff, Kevin McKenna and Martin McGuinness, PIRA Army Council.

Kevin McKenna was also using another member of Sinn Fein/PIRA as a runner with Northern Command; however, McKenna was concerned that the second runner may have been compromised. As I had a genuine reason for visiting Monaghan each week and a genuine reason for visiting Derry each week, the security forces were less likely to take me under their notice, or so Kevin McKenna believed. I meet with McGuinness at a safe-house on The Culmore Road in Derry on a regular basis.

Kevin McKenna could trace his heritage back to Niall McKenna of 1641, who had massacred over 2,000 Protestants in the Monaghan/Tyrone region while stripping thousands more Protestants of their belongings and driving them from their homes. While Kevin McKenna was happy to kill British military personnel, he derived his greatest pleasure from purely sectarian operations such as Kingsmill (10 Protestants), Enniskillen (12 Protestants), Teebane (8 Protestants) Shankill (10 Protestants dead, 57 Protestants injured). 

Kevin McKenna never tired of targeting Protestants in his native Aughnacloy, County Tyrone and while he had murdered a number of Protestants in Aughnacloy and Monaghan in the 1970s, McKenna failed to carry-out any successful operations in Aughnacloy from 1980 onwards.

Martin McGuinness is a very different kettle of fish; McGuinness had been groomed by MI6 from those early days in the 1970s when the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership meet with British Officials. According to Sean O’Callaghan (a Garda and MI5 Agent) who was in regular phone contact with McGuinness in the 1990s, McGuinness was formerly recruited by MI6 in the mid-1980s. 

O’Callaghan claimed that he witnessed many meetings between McGuinness and MI6 Officer Oatley during a period that the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership claim there was no contact between the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership and The British. O’Callaghan also claimed that when Oatley used Irish in his communications to McGuinness, it was O’Callaghan who provided the Irish, anyone who knew McGuinness, will know that his IQ was not overwhelming.
This is the actual Communication from MI6 Officer Oatley to MI6 Agent Martin McGuinness in 1993, it was initially hand-written by Oatley and then typed up by MI6 Officer Robert, so that Guinness's name could be removed from the top and Oatley's name removed from the bottom. Read the content and see the total disregard for those who had just been murdered by Sinn Fein/PIRA in England and Northern Ireland.

In 2017, David Trimble, who had become friendly with McGuinness admitted that he was with Sean O’Callaghan when Sean O’Callaghan received a long and detailed phone call from Martin McGuinness in the 1990s. However, the greatest indictment against McGuinness is the communication below, the provenance of which the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership continue to deny, to accept its provenance as set out here is to accept that McGuinness, ‘the republican hero’, was in fact an MI6 Agent who had a free hand from his Handlers to engage in and direct murder, nothing new there when we look at all the other British Agents/informers/touts who did and continue to sit at the top of Sinn Fein/PIRA.

PIRA Cease-fire, August 1994

In August, 1994, The PIRA Army Council declared a cease-fire, the Terms and Conditions of that cease-fire have never been seen by anyone other than members of The PIRA Army Council and MI6 Officers reporting to The British Prime Minister. This author had sight of several communications between Kevin McKenna and Martin McGuinness.

On Friday, 9th February, 1996: one hour after a statement ending their ceasefire, the Provisional IRA detonated a large lorry bomb near South Quay DLR station in the London Docklands, killing two people, injuring 40, and causing £150 million worth of damage. The IRA ceasefire had lasted 17 months and 9 days. It is not too much of a stretch to imagine that those running McGuinness, where happy to allow this bombing to go ahead and force Unionists into Government with Sinn Fein/PIRA. The tone of the communication from MI6 Officer Oatley, supports this view.

On the 20th July, 1997, The PIRA Army Council restored their 1994 cease-fire, stating:

“We have ordered the unequivocal restoration of the ceasefire of August 1994. All units have been instructed accordingly”.

This “Restoration” of the 1994 cease-fire means that there was only one cease-fire, it broke down and was restored. This means that the Terms and Conditions agreed between Martin McGuinness and MI6 Officer, Michael Oatley, in 1994 never changed.

So, while Sinn Fein/PIRA would sign up to The Mitchel Principles in 1997, those Principles had no effect on the Terms and Conditions of the 1994 cease-fire. The 1994 Terms and Conditions excluded Catholics and The Irish Republic, including members of An Garda Siochana.

On 10th October 1997 a Provisional IRA General Army Convention was held in Falcarragh, County Donegal, and was attended by Kevin McKenna, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, Pat Doherty, Michael McKevitt, Bernadette McKevitt Sands and so forth.

By the time the Sinn Fein/PIRA Army Convention was held in Donegal in October 1997, the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership were infiltrated to the point that Agents, Informers and Touts outnumbered actual Sinn Fein/PIRA members. This level of infiltration was fully exposed when Bobby Storey, raided Castlereagh RUC Holding Centre, in 2002, however, no action could be taken as several levels of the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership would have had to be wiped out.

The Real IRA

Following, the Sinn Fein/PIRA Convention in Donegal in October 1997, Michael McKevitt who had been Quarter-Master General on The PIRA Army Council, created The Real IRA at a shed in Oldcastle, County Meath. McKevitt was surrounded by members of The PIRA who wanted to continue with a campaign of violence against the British presence in Ireland.

Interestingly, I only parted company with Martin McGuinness following the Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA General Army Convention which was held in Falcarragh, County Donegal, On 10th October 1997. I parted company with McGuinness as I was advised by members of my extended paternal family in Dundalk and south Armagh, that Michael McKevitt and others were being allowed, by The Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership, including Kevin McKenna, Martin McGuinness and Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, to empty PIRA arms dumps as they prepared to set-up The Real IRA.

I travelled from Belfast to Monaghan at the end of 1997 to ask Kevin McKenna (Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy had just been appointed Chief of Staff of the PIRA – Murphy was no less ruthless than Kevin McKenna but he was easily bought as he was promised by MI6 that his criminal empire would remain untouched by the security forces in the north) why the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership were allowing McKevitt to take explosives, weapons, ammunition and personnel without sanction. Kevin McKenna said that;

“The odd bomb going off here and there would help keep Unionists focused on working with the ‘Doves’”.

Kevin McKenna, PIRA Chief of Staff, 1983-1997/98

Normally anyone who misused or misappropriated as much a bullet belonging to The PIRA was court-martialed and punishment administered, two of the disappeared had allegedly mis-used a single gun belonging to the PIRA.

I was devastated by Kevin’s answer as I had put a lot of work into the peace-process and I had convinced a lot of people to give Sinn Fein a chance to move away from violence. Kevin McKenna and the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership had decided to use The Real IRA as proxies to do their dirty-work, just as they had done with many proxy groups over the years. This tactic would back-fire with the Omagh Bomb, and only then did the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership condemn the so called ‘Dissidents’.

Martina Anderson MLA used her position as MEP to lobby The Irish Government not to extradite Omagh Bomber, Liam Campbell, yet again exposing the lie of so called ‘Dissidents’. Sinn Fein members on Fermanagh and Omagh District Council supported a call by Republican Sinn Fein/CIRA not to extradite Omagh Bomber, Liam Campbell. While there are many examples of the hand in glove relationship between Sinn Fein/PIRA and so called ‘dissidents’, the examples above, are good recent examples, that expose the Truth about The Omagh Bomb in 1998.

When Kevin McKenna told me that Sinn Fein/PIRA were arming The Real IRA to use them as proxies, I changed tactic, in March 1998, I gave an exclusive front-page story to The Sunday Times in which I described my time in Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan and the Ethnic Cleansing strategy developed and operationalised by Jim Lynagh and the Sinn Fein/PIRA leadership in 1986.
In March 1998, I went to war with Sinn Fein/PIRA on the parades issue, I had known from 1996 that Sinn Fein/PIRA had manufactured opposition to Loyal Order parades and I had tried to convince them that this was wrong on all levels. I had initially engaged with all parties involved in the parades issue and some good work was done, however, Sinn Fein/PIRA were not reciprocating the bold moves being made by the Loyal Orders.
Over the following months and years, I would be subject to many attacks for the stand I had taken, as it was not simply a stand against Sinn Fein/PIRA but also a stand against the See, Hear and Speak no Evil Brigade.

Real IRA as Proxie

While on the 31st of August 1994 The PIRA Army Council issued a general press statement declaring their cease-fire, through P.O’Neil, This press statement did not contain any meat on the bones of the Terms and Conditions of the PIRA cease-fire, the detailed Terms and Conditions which have never been altered to this day were delivered by Martin McGuinness to MI6.

There was in fact a twin-track approach, The Good Friday Agreement did not mirror the Terms and Conditions of The PIRA cease-fire. The Good Friday Agreement did not contain any detail about ‘Comfort Letters’, it did not contain any detail about Sinn Fein/PIRA being allowed to continue Human Rights abuses against the Catholic community (including murder and rape) and so forth. The latter is why, The British Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam, stated in 1999 that the murder of Charles Bennett by The PIRA was not viewed as a breach of The PIRA cease-fire but was viewed by the British as “Internal-House-keeping”.
British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, tried to under-mine my efforts and the efforts of others, by offering a false sense of security to those who has suffered at the hands of Sinn Fein/PIRA and Loyalist terrorists for decades when on, Wednesday 20th May 1998, Blair delivered a speech at the Coleraine campus of the University of Ulster in which he unveiled a hand-written set of pledges to the people of Ireland in advance of the Referendum on 22nd May 1998.

The text of the pledges was as follows:

“I pledge to the people of Northern Ireland:

1.   No change in the status of Northern Ireland without the express consent of the people of Northern Ireland.

2.    Power to take decisions returned to a Northern Ireland Assembly, with accountable North/South co-operation.

3.      Fairness and equality guaranteed for all.

4.      Those who use or threaten violence excluded from the Government of Northern Ireland.

5.      Prisoners kept in unless violence is given up for good”.

The Omagh Bomb

On the 15th August 1998, 29 people were murdered and over 200 injured in Omagh, County Tyrone, by a Real IRA Bomb that had the DNA of three organisations.

The Leadership of Sinn Fein/PIRA would reinstate their agreed cease-fire with MI6, and while Sinn Fein/PIRA would no longer attack British Military, their Racist campaign against the Protestant community would continue, although by means of different tactics.

Sinn Fein/PIRA would also use their now redundant murders to take iron fist control of those communities in which Sinn Fein/PIRA engaged in whole sale criminality including murder and rape.
The Omagh bombing was a car bombing on 15 August 1998 in the town of Omagh, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. It was carried out by a group calling themselves the Real Irish Republican Army, a Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) splinter group who opposed the IRA's ceasefire and the Good Friday Agreement. The bombing killed 29 people (including a woman pregnant with twins) and injured some 220 others, making it the deadliest single incident of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Telephoned warnings had been sent almost 40 minutes beforehand but were inaccurate, and police had inadvertently moved people toward the bomb.

The bombing caused outrage both locally and internationally, and in that outrage the Truth was lost, and political spin directed from Whitehall won the day. The Real IRA denied that the bomb was intended to kill civilians and apologised, shortly after, the group declared a ceasefire. The victims included people of many backgrounds and ages, Protestants, Catholics, six teenagers, six children, a woman pregnant with twins, two Spanish tourists and others on a day trip from the Republic of Ireland. Both unionists and Irish nationalists were killed and injured. As a result of the bombing, new anti-terrorism laws were swiftly enacted by both the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland.

The Sinn Fein/PIRA tactic of using The Real IRA as proxies to force unionists into a power-sharing Assembly had back-fired, although the political spin did present Sinn Fein/PIRA as The 'Doves', in the 'republican' menagerie of murder.

It has been alleged that the British, Irish and US intelligence agencies had information which could have prevented the bombing, most of which came from double agents inside the Real IRA, but this information was not given to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). In 2008, the BBC reported that British intelligence agency GCHQ was monitoring conversations between the bombers as the bomb was being driven into Omagh.

A 2001 report by the Police Ombudsman said that the RUC Special Branch failed to act on prior warnings and criticised the RUC's investigation of the bombing. Police reportedly obtained circumstantial and coincidental evidence against some suspects, but they were unable to convict anyone of the bombing. Colm Murphy was tried, and convicted. He was released on appeal after it was revealed that Garda Special Branch Detectives, Donnelly and Fahy based in Monaghan Town, forged interview notes used in the case.

Murphy's nephew Sean Hoey, was also tried but was acquitted. In June 2009, the victims' families won a £1.6 million civil action settlement against four defendants, who were found liable for the bombing. In 2014, Seamus Daly was charged with the murder of 29 people; however, the case against him was withdrawn in 2016. All of the above had been named by this Author in 1998.

The Real IRA's tactics were the same as those of the IRA before it. It targeted the British security forces and also carried out bombings of symbolic or economic targets. The goal was to damage the economy and cause severe disruption, to put pressure on the British government to withdraw. Warnings were sent before such bombings, along with a code-word so that the authorities would know it was genuine. The Real IRA began its paramilitary campaign with an attempted car bombing in Banbridge, County Down on 7th January 1998.

The 300 pounds (140 kg) explosive was defused by security forces. Over the following months, it mounted several car bomb and mortar attacks. There were attacks or attempted attacks in Moira, Portadown, Armagh, Newry, Lisburn, Belfast, and Belleek, as well as another car bombing in Banbridge on 1st August, 1998, which caused thirty-five injuries but no deaths. Banbridge was not condemned by Sinn Fein/PIRA.

The Omagh bombing took place 13 weeks after the Good Friday Agreement of April 1998 was signed. Intended to be a comprehensive solution to the Troubles, it had broad support both in Ireland and internationally. While The Good Friday Agreement offered a blue-print for an agreed settlement, it was the Dirty-Deal done between the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership and MI6 that would and continues to under-mine confidence in The Good Friday Agreement.

On 13th August, a maroon Vauxhall Cavalier was stolen from outside a block of flats in Carrickmacross, County Monaghan, Republic of Ireland, by Paddy Dixon, a Garda informer, who was being handled by Garda Sgt John White. At that time, it bore the County Donegal registration number of 91 DL 2554. The bombers replaced its Republic of Ireland number plates with fake Northern Ireland plates (MDZ 5211), and loaded the car with about 500 pounds (230 kg) of fertiliser-based explosives. The boaster pack was filled with Provisional IRA commercial explosives.

On Saturday 15th August, the bomb car was driven from County Monaghan, by Seamus McKenna, across the Irish border to Omagh, travelling north and west. A 'scout car' drove ahead of the bomb car to warn it of any checkpoints, and the two cars were in constant contact by mobile phone. At 14:19, the bomb car was parked outside S.D. Kells' clothes shop on Omagh's Market Street, at the eastern edge of the town centre, near the crossroads with Dublin Road. The driver, Seamus McKenna, could not find a parking space near the intended target, Omagh Courthouse, the scene of previous Provisional IRA attacks.

Seamus McKenna and his young Real IRA apprentice, armed the bomb and set the timer to detonate it in 40 minutes. They left the car and walked east down-Market Street towards Campsie Road, before leaving Omagh in the scout car. A family of Spanish tourists happened to take photos by the car. The photographer died in the bombing, but the man and child in the photograph survived.

The car with false registration plates had been stolen by Garda Informer, Paddy Dixon. Paddy Dixon was injured in a Real IRA bomb attack in Navan in County Meath in 2011. Paddy Dixon's Address had been provided to The Real IRA by a member of Sinn Fein/PIRA, as part of a deal to ensure that Gerry Adams would not be opposed in Louth during his campaign to get elected to Dail Eireann. 

Gerry Adams also meet with members of The Real IRA Army Council before he ran for election in 2011, in which he gave undertakings in relation to ensuring better conditions for Real IRA prisoners.
At around 14:30, three phone calls were made warning of a bomb in Omagh, using the same codeword that had been used in the Real IRA's bombing in Banbridge two weeks earlier: "Martha Pope”, it is believed that this code-word was chosen by a female member of The Real IRA Leadership. The calls were made from telephone boxes many miles away in south County Armagh. 

The first warning was telephoned to Ulster Television saying, "There's a bomb, courthouse, Omagh, main street, 500lb, explosion 30 minutes". One minute later, the office received a second warning saying, "Bomb, Omagh town, 15 minutes". The caller claimed the warning on behalf of "Óglaigh na hÉireann". The next minute, the Coleraine office of the Samaritans received a call stating that a bomb would go off on the "main street" of Omagh "about 200 yards" (180 m) from the courthouse. The recipients passed on the information to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

The BBC News stated that police "were clearing an area near the local courthouse, 40 minutes after receiving a telephone warning, when the bomb detonated. But the warning was unclear and the wrong area was evacuated". The warnings mentioned "main street" when there was no street by that name in Omagh, although Market Street–High Street was the town's main shopping street. It runs for hundreds of yards east–west from the site of the bomb to the courthouse. 

Given the warnings, police believed the bomb was near the courthouse, so they evacuated the surrounding buildings and streets. As it happened, they moved people away from the courthouse and towards the site of the bomb, placing a cordon at Scarffe's Entry. The courthouse is roughly 365 yards (334 m) from the spot where the car bomb was parked. During the later Special Criminal Court trial of Real IRA Director Michael McKevitt, witnesses for the prosecution said that the inaccurate warnings were accidental.

Conclusion

On the 23rd Anniversary of Omagh, this article is as close as anyone will ever get to the truth, the information in this article was made fully available in 1998, but the Truth was buried for political expediency. I am well aware, that certain operations were allowed to run over the years to protect informants, my key concern with Banbridge and Omagh is the bizarre and criminal efforts that have been made to silence at least one of the messengers.

In 1998 great efforts were made to silence this author, this author told you, that the Sinn Fein/PIRA Leadership had armed The Real IRA to use them as proxies, this author publicly named those involved in The Omagh Bomb including those at Leadership level in Sinn Fein/PIRA who had taken the decision to arm The Real IRA, this author also told you publicly that nobody would ever be convicted of The Omagh Bomb, 23 years later, who is the liar now?

You can continue to be believe the Liars, the Spin Doctors, those who have much to hide and those who are simply ashamed that they allowed the Truth to be buried for political expediency.

NOTE: On an RTÉ radio show Morning Ireland in February 2008, Dr Martin Mansergh reassured listeners that Berty Ahern's difficulties were no more than a spot of "inflight turbulence" with a safe landing in sight. When Fine Gael's, Tribunal Expert, Senator Eugene Regan dissented, Mansergh became quite agitated, questioning why Regan wanted to question Berty Ahern's finances declaring to Regan that: "You should have respect for your betters!"

NOTE: Paddy Dixon Garda Informer:

Initially, I had not included Monaghan based Garda Informer, Paddy Dixon in this post, mainly because I find much of what has been said about him to be difficult to comprehend. Articles written in the early 2000s said he had been placed on the Witness Protection Program and living on the Continent.

Yet, Paddy was to be found living openly in Navan in County Meath in 2011, a long-established Sinn Fein/PIRA base, built up over many years by Joe O’Reilly, with many Real IRA living within a stone’s throw of Navan.

In fact, Paddy could have continued to live quietly in Navan if his location had not been traded by members of Sinn Fein/PIRA with the Real IRA so that Gerry Adams could have a bump free run for Arthur Morgan’s seat in County Louth, where Gerry had been parachuted in for the 2011 General Election. There was never any threat against Gerry from his old comrade Bernadette McKevitt-Sands, however, any type of unpleasantness could cost much needed votes.

Paddy Dixon was a car thief, who we are told began working as an informer for An Garda Siochana in 1992 when he would steal cars to order for The PIRA.

We are then told that Paddy Dixon graduated to The Real IRA in 1998, and was the most important police informer inside the Real IRA in the crucial months leading up to the 1998 Omagh bombing, in which 29 innocent men, women and children were murdered as were unborn twins.

It is alleged by various sources, including Paddy Dixon, that senior Garda Officers allowed the Omagh Bomb to run in order to protect Dixon’s position in The Real IRA. Yet, a tape recording produced to support these assertions has Dixon telling his Garda Handler:

"The Omagh investigation is going to blow up in their faces".

This reference to the ‘Omagh Investigation’ shows that this recording is made after the Omagh Bomb. Paddy Dixon also claims that:

“Every (PIRA) terrorist operation he knew about was compromised”

It is stated by Garda Detective Sgt John White who died in 2020, that he had warned senior Garda Officers about the Omagh Bomb a few days before it exploded. However, Garda Detective John White was found wanting by both The Morris Tribunal (Garda Corruption in Donegal) and The Nally Report, which investigated John White’s claims that he had warned senior officers about The Omagh Bomb.

John White was Paddy Dixon’s Handler when Dixon was stealing cars for the PIRA. In early 1998, Garda Detective Sergeant, John White, returned to Paddy Dixon and recruited Dixon again so that he could infiltrate The Real IRA.

When it became apparent in the third week of January, 1998 that the Real IRA was about to launch a major terror offensive, Sgt John White asked Paddy Dixon to offer his services to the Real IRA. Dixon had a long-standing connection with a republican in south County Dublin known as 'the Long Fellow'. 

Sgt White suggested, under orders from senior Garda command, that his old agent reactivate his relationship with 'The Long Fellow' who owned a breaker's yard in south Dublin where Dixon's stolen cars were re-plated and huge explosive devices were secreted inside the vehicles.

Over the next seven months the Dixon/White axis would give the Garda vital insight into the Real IRA terror machine. Between February and August 1998 Dixon gave the force inside information on at least nine separate Real IRA attacks culminating in the bomb at Omagh.

In total, five Real IRA bombing missions were thwarted, thanks to Dixon's intelligence and White's diligence. But in order to give Dixon credibility within the terrorist organisation, White's superiors in the Garda ordered that a number of attacks be allowed through. They included a massive bomb attack that devastated Moira in February, 1998. No one died in the blast, but the next bombs to be allowed through, however, would have far more serious consequences.

On 2 July, 1998, Dixon rang White to say he had another phone call from 'The Long Fellow'. He told Dixon that he wanted another car for a bombing, warning that this was to be a big one, a real spectacular.

Dixon rang White again on 10 August, 1998. He said he was to arrange a car theft for the following day. White then met two senior Garda officers hours later at a pub in west Dublin. His description of the fateful meeting was vividly conveyed to detectives from Northern Ireland several months later.

White's superior said that Dixon was now under severe pressure from the Real IRA in South Armagh. The officer then supped his pint and said to White:

“John, we are going to let this one go through”

When Garda Detective Sergeant, John White asked his superior:

“What if anyone is killed?”

The senior officer dismissed White’s concerns pointing to the Real IRA's inability to inflict casualties on the security forces north of the border.

As late as 14 August, 1998, the day before the Omagh bombing, Dixon was in constant contact with White. 'The Long Fellow' said it would take place within 24 hours. Dixon said that a car, a Vauxhall, had been stolen. With hours to go before that car (it later emerged it was a Vauxhall Cavalier) was eventually driven over the frontier and into Omagh, White implored his superiors to act. But he was simply told again that it had to go through.

White's testimony to both the Police Service of Northern Ireland and Nuala O'Loan, the Police Ombudsman in the Province, was devastating. The Garda should have run a check on all stolen cars on 14 August, 1998, especially those that had gone missing near the border. Moreover, Dixon had said the car was for a bomb and the breaker's yard where all Real IRA devices were mixed and put into vehicles had been under round-the-clock surveillance since White reactivated his agent in early 1998.

Both Nuala O'Loan and Superintendent Norman Baxter of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the officer in charge of the Omagh inquiry, were convinced that White was telling the truth. Baxter's team spent three days in July 2002 debriefing White.

Dixon was never been questioned either by O'Loan's officers or, more crucially, the PSNI's Omagh Inquiry team.

Michael Gallagher, whose son was killed at Omagh and a spokesman for some of the victims' families, said: 

“The puzzle remains - why won't the Garda let Paddy Dixon talk to the PSNI?”


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