Political Corruption Ireland
The insider
In 2005 there was concern that certain corrupt politicians were taking bribes from Property Developers, in return for a Guarantee that The National Children’s Hospital would be built on the site of The Mater Hospital in Berty Ahern’s constituency. I volunteered my services to investigate.
Inspired by abolitionist Frederick Douglass, Daniel O’Connell said of Irish-American slave owners:
"How can the generous, the charitable, the humane and the noble emotions
of the Irish heart have become extinct within you?"
In 2005, Dublin City was awash
with cash, people like Tom McFeely, a former Sinn Fein/PIRA Hunger-striker, had
his pockets bulging with cash as he built such infamous developments as Priory
Hall, which would later be deemed unsafe. After McFeely left his £15,000,000
Mansion on Ailesbury Road, Ballsbridge, Dublin, over £200,000 cash was found
hidden under the bath.
However, this article is not
about Sinn Fein/PIRA Bagman, McFeely, it is about a Berty Ahern, Bagman and his
associates.
Due to the volume of money
being spent on The Mater Hospital site by Berty Ahern’s Government, which would
total £40,000,000 including, €24.5 million for the business services team, €3.2
million for project management and €6.1 million for the integrated design team.
Another €6.1 million in
administration and other costs were incurred. This sum included €1.6 million in
planning expenses, €878,000 in legal expenses, €200,000 spent on communications
and €132,000 in board fees.
This £40,000,000 Convincer, as well as placing Property Developers on The Board of The Mater Hospital, ensured that the Property Developers paid large cash sums to corrupt politicians. Berty Ahern was no stranger to The Mater Hospital, he had some years earlier worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.
Once the Property Developers were satisfied that Berty Ahern could deliver on his promise of The National Children’s Hospital being built on The Mater Hospital site, the Property Developers bought up all land and property in the vicinity of The Mater Hospital.
This property and land grab by
the Property Developers would ensure that the thousands of construction site
workers, who would later be replaced by thousands of healthcare workers, would
have accommodation, food and drink venues on their door-step, and provide a
return of millions of Euros for the Property Developers.
Establishing the facts
I secured work with a key
Property Developer, who was also one of Berty Ahern’s key sponsors. I was hired
as a Project Manager and a Health and Safety Officer for Castle Contracts. My
employer, the owner of Castle Contracts, brought me to O’Neill’s pub on the
corner of Dorset Street and Eccles Street.
O’Neills had been a favourite
drinking place for members of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA before it had been
closed some years earlier. My Boss and other partners had bought O’Neill’s as
part of their property portfolio related to the promised siting of The National
Children’s Hospital on The Mater Hospital site, a few yards away.
I specifically asked my Boss
why he had bought O’Neills and it was at this point that he boosted about
having inside information, as he was actually a close friend of Berty Ahern and
he (my Boss) had been appointed as a Director of the Board of The Mater
Hospital.
I began a complete refurbishment
of O’Neill’s pub; I was working on my own for a good while because in 2005
labour was scarce due to the economic boom. My Boss built up a good
relationship with me, as I worked hard and kept within a tight budget.
Eventually I got some Polish lads to work with me and the project moved
quickly.
As O’Neill’s had previously
been a Sinn Fein/PIRA drinking establishment, we were not surprised when
thousands of duty-free cigarettes would fall out of carefully constructed hides
as we demolished walls and ceilings.
My Boss was a partner with
others in the ownership of several properties and businesses, however, he was
also a Property Developer, this meant that he was actually charging his
partners for the supply of labour and materials. By the end of each project,
his partners were heavily indebted and would be at his mercy, as he could call
in outstanding debt.
The Corruption
On one occasion I was standing
in the front room of one of my Boss’s Hotels, he was shoving a large amount of
cash into a standard envelope, however, he could not get enough cash in and so
he asked the receptionist to bring him a big A4 envelope, into which he stuffed
the cash.
My Boss then asked me to drive him to his house in Drumcondra, the journey took us past Saint Luke’s, which was the name of the Fianna Fail Office in Drumcondra. My Boss told me to pull in to the left-hand side of the road across from Saint Luke’s, he got out of the car and walked over to Saint Luke’s, where he handed the envelope full of cash to a well-known politician.
On another occasion my Boss
asked me to drive him from one of his hotels on the north side of Dublin to
another one of his hotels on Stephen’s Green. On the way back from Stephens
Green my Boss had the radio in the car turned on, and when the news came on, he
turned the radio up.
The news reported that Mary
Harney was considering moving the site for The National Children’s Hospital to
a green field site. Upon hearing Mary Harney’s intentions, my Boss took his
mobile phone from his pocket and initially tried to phone Berty Ahern, when he
could not reach Berty Ahern, he phoned and got through to Martin Cullen, who
was a Minister.
My Boss was very clear with
Martin Cullen that there would be repercussions, if The National Children’s
Hospital was moved from the promised Mater Hospital site, after the massive
investment my Boss and his partners had made.
Before the phone call between
my Boss and Martin Cullen had finished Martin Cullen assured my Boss that
Harney would not get her way. My Boss then reminded Minister Cullen that he
must enjoy a holiday at my Boss’s Hotel and golf resort in Scotland. I have no evidence against Martin Cullen for corruption, I am simply stating that he was on speed-dial for my Boss.
The corruption also included
some Directors of The Mater Hospital Board enjoying free Holidays at my Boss’s hotels
and having free maintenance carried out at their own private homes by myself
and other employees of Castle Contracts.
Conclusion
There is absolutely no
question that the political corruption set out above lead to many Millions of
Euros being spent on a site that was never going to accommodate The National
Children’s Hospital.
The estimated £40,000,000
spend has at this point been written off, however, the real cost of this
political corruption has yet to be fully realised.
The years of unnecessary
delays have now driven up costs to astronomical levels. A project that was
estimated to cost approximately £650,000,000 is now estimated to cost at least
£3 Billion.
Had the political corruption
not delayed The National Children’s Hospital, it can be said that the hospital
could have been built at a much-reduced cost to the Tax Payer and Children
could have been prioritised over corruption and self-serving by the few.
Berty Ahern and John O’Donoghue
represented grievous excesses, greed and self-serving. The legacy of Berty
Ahern and O’Donogue is not as ‘peace-makers’ for Northern Ireland, for they
simply used Northern Ireland as a distraction, a slight of hand.
The Mahon Tribunal
On 2 April, 2008,
then-Taoiseach Bertie Ahern resigned due to continuing controversy over allegations
relating to corrupt payments.
In all, The Mahon Tribunal
said that he did not truthfully account for payments of £165,000 made to
accounts connected to him.
This included the Manchester
dinner with Irish businessmen, where The Mahon Tribunal rejected the assertion
that two-thirds of the £24,838 figure mentioned was in punts. The Mahon
Tribunal said it was solely a Sterling payment of £25,000, and suggesting that
Ahern had not been truthful in his evidence.
Note: The Taoiseach did
describe receiving a sum of money from a number of rich businessmen after
speaking at a Manchester hotel, and also winning money through gambling on
horses.
The Tribunal of Inquiry into
Certain Planning Matters and Payments, commonly known as the Mahon Tribunal
after the name of its last chairman, was a public inquiry in Ireland
established by Dáil Éireann in 1997 to investigate allegations of corrupt
payments to politicians regarding political decisions.
It mostly investigated
planning permissions and land rezoning issues in the 1990s in the Dublin County
Council area. Judge Alan Mahon was the final chair of the tribunal and its
other members were Judge Mary Faherty and Judge Gerald Keys. The original
Chairman, who was the sole member until just before his retirement, was Judge
Feargus Flood, giving rise to the original common name of the Flood Tribunal.
The Mahon Tribunal used
investigations to collect evidence and public hearings with witnesses, it
investigated allegations made in the media prior to its establishment and
allegations subsequently made to the tribunal itself. The tribunal ran from
November 1997 to March 2012 and was the longest running and most expensive
public inquiry held in the Republic of Ireland, with costs forecast to reach
between €250 million and €300 million.
Public hearings concluded in
September 2008, and following several delays due to legal challenges, the
tribunal began preparing its final report. It published four interim reports,
and the final report was published on 22 March, 2012.
Berty Ahern Only Wanted to Talk about Good Friday Agreement
Over six-years after it
delivered its report on Bertie Ahern, the Mahon Tribunal is being talked about
again since the former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, walked out of a German TV
interview after being questioned over it.
Appearing uncomfortable at the
line of questioning following earlier discussions about the Good Friday
Agreement, Ahern said he was quite happy that he has cleared his name and that
he was very happy with his evidence to the Tribunal.
When pressed, he maintained:
“I’ve dealt with that issue and I am not saying any more about that issue.”
Shortly afterwards, he cut the
interview short, saying he was there to talk about the Good Friday Agreement
and had done so.
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