Political Corruption
Ireland
The National
Children’s Hospital
A Report to The
Public Accounts Committee 2/8/2022
From
Vincent McKenna BSSc PGDipSSc MSc
Motivation for this
Report
On the day that David Trimble died, 25
July, 2022, Taoiseach Micheál Martin TD appeared on RTE and stated that he had spoken
to Bertie Ahern about David Trimble’s death.
I found this casual reference by Taoiseach
Micheál Martin TD to his on-going relationship with Bertie Ahern, as
distasteful, due to the findings of The Mahon Tribunal and the fact that Bertie
Ahern misled Dail Eireann in 2002 about his prior knowledge of the Real IRA
Omagh Bombers in 1998.
Bertie Ahern with his best Pal, Fionn MacCumhaill, Iona Road, Dublin, who stands charged in 2024 with 20 counts of sexual assault.
This causal reference by Taoiseach
Micheál Martin TD in relation to Bertie Ahern, caused me to pause and ask the
question:
“Did, Taoiseach Micheál Martin TD, when Minister for Health in 2004, know about a Special Garda Operation, investigating Bertie Ahern and others for accepting Corrupt Payments in relation to the siting of The National Children’s Hospital at The Mater Hospital site?”.
Background
In 2005 I was released from prison
having served a sentence for alleged sexual assault, that case DPP v Vincent
McKenna is back before The Court of Criminal Appeal in 2022, based on new
findings of fact, and as allowed under the 1993 Criminal Justice Act.
While I was in prison, I continued to
work with An Garda Siochana (see, attached report into Review of Murder of
Sophie Tuscan Du Plantier) on major crimes, including murder.
Upon my release from prison, I was
immediately contacted by senior Gardai and asked to participate in a Special
Operation, investigating Corrupt Payments being made to certain politicians
including Bertie Ahern.
I was more than happy to get involved in this Special Operation as Bertie Ahern’s double-dealing was well known to me. In 1999, I had played a key role in preventing the murder of The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Peter Mandelson and his staff. I had been invited over to London in June 1999, to up date politicians on the on-going situation in Northern Ireland as I had many good contacts in many groups. I was personally thanked by Mrs Thatcher for my role in the Mandelson operation.
However, as some of my work was very
high profile in 1999, MI6 believed that I could be used as an Influencer, for
their view of peace, and they tried to recruit me in London in June 1999. This
was not the first approach; they had also tried to recruit me in Cambridge in
1995. As part of the MI6 recruitment process, they told me how they would
funnel money to me through a Manchester based businessman as they had done for
Bertie Ahern TD. If anyone became aware of the money, the businessman would
simply say that he was contributing to my peace work.
I refused to work for MI6, not simply because they had insulted me by offering me money, but also because certain MI6 Officers had a very dangerous relationship with certain terrorists and a very dangerous view of what a ‘peace process’ should look like.
For example, the continued murder of Catholics post-GFA by Sinn Fein/PIRA was being viewed as "Internal House-keeping" and not a breach of the Sinn Fein/PIRA agreed cease-fire with MI6. This "Internal House-keeping" included the shooting of children raped by Sinn Fein/PIRA members to silence those victims.
Gardai were concerned that such Corrupt
Payments to Bertie Ahern and others could result in a compromise of national
security in Ahern’s dealings with various terrorist groups. This concern was
real and only in 2021 (Michael McDowell) would we learn that Bertie Ahern and
John O’Donoghue TD had directed the Garda Commissioner not to pursue Sinn
Fein/PIRA members who were wanted for murder and other serious crimes.
Bertie Ahern and other politicians were
accepting Corrupt Payments from Property Developers, in return for a Guarantee
that The National Children’s Hospital would be built on the site of The Mater
Hospital in Bertie Ahern’s constituency. I volunteered my services to
investigate.
In 2005, Dublin City was awash with
cash, people like Tom McFeely, a former Sinn Fein/PIRA Hunger-striker, had his
pockets bulging with cash as he built such infamous developments as Priory
Hall, which would later be deemed unsafe. After McFeely left his £15,000,000
Mansion on Ailesbury Road, Ballsbridge, Dublin, over £200,000 cash was found
hidden under the bath.
Tom McFeely former PIRA Hunger-Striker
However, this report, is about one of
Bertie Ahern’s, Bagmen,
Fionn Mac Cumhaill (Castel
Hotel Group, Gardiner Row, Dublin 1, D01 R640) and his associates.
Due to the volume of money being spent
on The Mater Hospital site by Bertie Ahern’s Government, which would total
£40,000,000 including, €24.5 million for the business services team, €3.2
million for project management and €6.1 million for the integrated design team.
Another €6.1 million in administration
and other costs were incurred. This sum included €1.6 million in planning
expenses, €878,000 in legal expenses, €200,000 spent on communications and
€132,000 in board fees.
This £40,000,000 ‘Convincer’, as well as placing Property Developers on The Board of The Mater Hospital (including Fionn Mac Cumhaill), ensured that the Property Developers paid large cash sums to corrupt politicians.
Bertie Ahern was no stranger to The Mater Hospital; he had
some years earlier worked in the accounts Department of the Mater Hospital. The
Board of The Mater Hospital would act as a lobby group for both Bertie Ahern
and his developers to ensure the NCH was built on The Mater site.
Once the Property Developers were satisfied that
Bertie Ahern could deliver on his promise of The National Children’s Hospital
being built on The Mater Hospital site, the Property Developers bought up all
land and property in the vicinity of The Mater Hospital.
This property and land grab by the Property Developers would ensure that the thousands of construction site workers, who would later be replaced by thousands of healthcare workers, would have accommodation, food and drink venues on their door-step, and provide a return of millions of Euros for the Property Developers.
Establishing the facts
I secured work with a key Property
Developer, Fionn Mac Cumhaill, who was also one of Bertie Ahern’s key bagmen. I
was hired as a Project Manager and a Health and Safety Officer for Castle
Contracts. My employer, Fionn Mac Cumhaill, the owner of Castle Contracts,
brought me to O’Neill’s pub on the corner of Dorset Street and Eccles Street.
O’Neills had been a favourite drinking
place for members of Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA before it had been closed some
years earlier. My Boss and other partners had bought O’Neill’s as part of their
property portfolio related to the promised siting of The National Children’s
Hospital on The Mater Hospital site, a few yards away.
I specifically asked my Boss, Fionn Mac Cumhaill, why he had bought
O’Neills and it was at this point that he boosted about having inside
information, as he was actually a close friend of Bertie Ahern and he (my Boss)
had been appointed as a Director of the Board of The Mater Hospital to act as
an influencer, which included providing bribes and incentives to some members of The
Mater Hospital Board.
I began a complete refurbishment of
O’Neill’s pub; I was working on my own for a good while because in 2005 labour
was scarce due to the economic boom. My Boss built up a good relationship with
me, as I worked hard and kept within a tight budget. Eventually I got some
Polish lads to work with me and the project moved quickly.
As O’Neill’s had previously been a Sinn
Fein/PIRA drinking establishment, we were not surprised when thousands of duty-free
cigarettes would fall out of carefully constructed hides as we demolished walls
and ceilings.
My Boss was a partner with others in
the ownership of several properties and businesses, however, he was also a
Property Developer, this meant that he was actually charging his partners for
the supply of labour and materials. By the end of each project, his partners
were heavily indebted and would be at his mercy, as he could call in
outstanding debt.
The Corruption
On one occasion I was standing in the front
room of one of my Boss’s Hotels, The Castle Hotel, he was shoving a large
amount of cash into a standard envelope, however, he could not get enough cash
in and so he asked the receptionist to bring him a big A4 envelope, into which
he stuffed the cash. This was the first time I seen 500 Euro notes.
My Boss then asked me to drive him to his house in Drumcondra, the journey took us past Saint Luke’s, which was the name of the Fianna Fail Office in Drumcondra. My Boss told me to pull in to the left-hand side of the road across from Saint Luke’s, he got out of the car and walked over to Saint Luke’s, where he handed the envelope full of cash to Bertie Ahern.
On another occasion my Boss asked me to
drive him from one of his hotels, The Castle Hotel, on the north side of Dublin
to another one of his hotels, Staunton’s on the Green, on Stephen’s Green. On
the way back from Stephens Green my Boss had the radio in my car turned on, and
when the news came on, he turned the radio up.
The news reported that Mary Harney TD
was considering moving the site for The National Children’s Hospital to a green
field site. Upon hearing Mary Harney’s intentions, my Boss took his mobile
phone from his pocket and initially tried to phone Bertie Ahern, when he could
not reach Bertie Ahern, he phoned and got through to Martin Cullen, who was a
Minister.
My Boss was very clear with Martin
Cullen that there would be repercussions, if The National Children’s Hospital
was moved from the promised Mater Hospital site, after the massive investment
my Boss and his partners had made.
Before the phone call between my Boss
and Martin Cullen had finished Martin Cullen assured my Boss that Harney would
not get her way. My Boss then reminded Minister Cullen that he must enjoy a
holiday at my Boss’s Hotel and golf resort in Scotland. I have no evidence
against Martin Cullen for corruption, I am simply stating that he was on
speed-dial for my Boss.
The corruption also included some
Directors of The Mater Hospital Board enjoying free Holidays at my Boss’s
hotels and having free maintenance carried out at their own private homes by
myself and other employees of Castle Contracts.
When the Special Operation had
established that Bertie Ahern was accepting Corrupt Payments in relation to the
Mater Hospital site, I was then moved to Stephen’s Green in 2006 and continued
to work within another Special Operation that was focused on The Department of
Foreign Affairs. My job has always been to establish facts, how Gardai deal
with those facts is not my concern. Dermot Ahern, Minister for Foreign Affairs, had for example, lobbied The Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell SC, for special provisions for Real IRA Leader, Michael McKevitt.
This picture is the garden at
Staunton’s on The Green which I land-scaped, when it was left as a building
site, after I had project managed a fourteen-bedroom extension to Staunton’s.
The wall to the left of the picture divides the garden from The Department of
Foreign Affairs, to which I had easy access.
In 2006, I was in the company of a
senior Garda Officer and having tea in Staunton’s on the Green, Mr Jim Staunton
had served the tea. I was meeting with the senior Garda, not specifically about
the Special Operation, which was on-going, but the fact that I had noted two
Real IRA members, scouting a position in the property next door to The
Department of Foreign Affairs for a possible sniper attack.
When my role in the Special Operations
surrounding Bertie Ahern and others had concluded in 2006, my Boss, Fionn MacCumhaill indicated to me that he knew I was speaking to An Garda Siochana and
therefore he could no longer employ me.
I spoke with my Garda contacts and told them that I wanted to bring Fionn Mac Cumhaill before The Employment Appeals Tribunal and try to establish who had leaked my contact with An Garda Siochana.
I won my case for unfair dismissal and received a substantial sum in compensation, the leak most likely came from a Garda Officer, whom upon his retirement became a driver for Fionn Mac Cumhaill.
Conclusion
There is absolutely no question that
the political corruption set out above led to many Millions of Euros being
spent on a site that was never going to accommodate The National Children’s
Hospital.
The estimated £40,000,000 spend has at
this point been written off, however, the real cost of this political
corruption has yet to be fully realised, why this corruption was never brought
before the Public Accounts Committee or never made its way into the public
domain is probably best understood now following The Mahon Tribunal, Bertie
Ahern’s lies to Dail Eireann about the Omagh Bomb and Ahern’s De Facto Amnesty
for Sinn Fein/Provisional IRA murderers.
The years of unnecessary delays have
now driven up costs to astronomical levels. A project that was estimated to
cost approximately £650,000,000 is now estimated to cost at least £3 Billion at completion.
Had the political corruption not
delayed The National Children’s Hospital, it can be said that the hospital
could have been built at a much-reduced cost to the Tax Payer and Children
could have been prioritised over corruption and self-serving by the few.
Bertie Ahern and John O’Donoghue represented grievous excesses, greed and self-serving. The legacy of Bertie Ahern and O’Donogue is not as ‘peace-makers’ for Northern Ireland, for they simply used Northern Ireland as a distraction, a slight of hand for their corruption.
Their true legacy is vulnerable children denied basic fundamental human rights, while O’Donoghue used Tax Payers money to go to the races and enjoy Gondola rides in Venice.
The Mahon Tribunal
On 2 April, 2008, then-Taoiseach Bertie
Ahern resigned due to continuing controversy over allegations relating to
corrupt payments.
In all, The Mahon Tribunal said that he
did not truthfully account for payments of £165,000 made to accounts connected
to him.
This included the Manchester dinner
with Irish businessmen, where The Mahon Tribunal rejected the assertion that
two-thirds of the £24,838 figure mentioned was in punts. The Mahon Tribunal
said it was solely a Sterling payment of £25,000, and suggesting that Ahern had
not been truthful in his evidence.
Note: The Taoiseach
did describe receiving a sum of money from a number of rich businessmen after
speaking at a Manchester hotel, and also winning money through gambling on
horses.
The Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain
Planning Matters and Payments, commonly known as the Mahon Tribunal after the
name of its last chairman, was a public inquiry in Ireland established by Dáil
Éireann in 1997 to investigate allegations of corrupt payments to politicians
regarding political decisions.
It mostly investigated planning
permissions and land rezoning issues in the 1990s in the Dublin County Council
area. Judge Alan Mahon was the final chair of the tribunal and its other members
were Judge Mary Faherty and Judge Gerald Keys. The original Chairman, who was
the sole member until just before his retirement, was Judge Feargus Flood,
giving rise to the original common name of the Flood Tribunal.
The Mahon Tribunal used investigations
to collect evidence and public hearings with witnesses, it investigated
allegations made in the media prior to its establishment and allegations
subsequently made to the tribunal itself. The tribunal ran from November 1997
to March 2012 and was the longest running and most expensive public inquiry
held in the Republic of Ireland, with costs forecast to reach between €250
million and €300 million.
Public hearings concluded in September
2008, and following several delays due to legal challenges, the tribunal began
preparing its final report. It published four interim reports, and the final
report was published on 22 March, 2012.
Berty Ahern Only Wanted to Talk about
Good Friday Agreement
Over six-years after it delivered its
report on Bertie Ahern, the Mahon Tribunal is being talked about again since
the former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, walked out of a German TV interview after
being questioned over it.
Appearing uncomfortable at the line of
questioning following earlier discussions about the Good Friday Agreement,
Ahern said he was quite happy that he has cleared his name and that he was very
happy with his evidence to the Tribunal.
When pressed, he maintained: “I’ve
dealt with that issue and I am not saying any more about that issue.”
Shortly afterwards, he cut the
interview short, saying he was there to talk about the Good Friday Agreement
and had done so.
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